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A UTHOR : 


ARMSTRONG,  MARY 
EMMA 


TITLE: 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF 
CERTAIN  COLORS  IN... 

PLACE: 

MENASHA,WIS. 

DA  TE : 

1917 


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Armstrong,  Mary  Emma,  1872- 

...  The  significance  of  certain  colors  in  Roman  ritual 
...by  Mary  Emma  Armstrong.  Menasha,  Wis.,  George 
Banta  publishing  company,  1917. 

vi.  52  p..  1  1.   24'-. 

Thesis  (ph.  d.) — Johns  Hopkins  university,  1915. 

Vita. 

Bibliography:  p.  (51]-52. 


1.  Rome — Religion.         I.  Title. 


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Library  of  Congress  \^      BL808.A6 


Johns  Hopkins  Univ. 


Libr. 


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SUBMIfTED    TO  THE  BOARD  OF  UlsI'VERSlTY   STUPIES   OF   THE    JC^iD 
■     HOFKIKS  U'NTVERSITY  IN  COKfORMITY  ^1111  THE  REQUIREMENTS 
FOR.  'Om  DEGREE  OF  I)O(-r0R  OF  PHII.0SOPHY 


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BY 


MARY  EMMA  ARMSTRONC 


CWEGE  BANTA  PlIBLiSHlHG  CX)MPANT 

MEN4SHA,  m^ISCONSlB 

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The  Significance  of  Certain 
Colors  in  Roman  Ritual 


A  DISSERTATION 

SUBMITTED   TO  THE  BOAKD  OF  UNIVERSITY  STUDIES  OF  THE  JOHNS 

HOPKINS  UNIVERSITY  IN  CONFORMITY  WITH  THE  REQUIREMENTS 

FOR  THE  DEGREE  OF  DOCTOR  OF  PHILOSOPHY 


BY 


MARY  EMMA  ARMSTRONG 


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GIORGE  BANTA  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

MENASHA.  WISCONSIN 

1917 


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CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Preliminary  Note v 

Chapter    I:    Scarlet 1 

Chapter   II;    Purple 21 

Chapter  III:    Black  and  White 32 

Chapter  IV:    Gold ^ 39 

Bibliography 51 


\ 


PRELIMINARY  NOTE 

The  significance  of  color  in  religion  has  never  been  made  the  subject 
of  extended  or  thorough  study.  In  recent  years  students  of  folk-lore, 
recognizing  the  importance  of  color  in  primitive  life,  have  begun  to  record 
its  uses  among  semi-civilized  tribes.  The  prominence  of  the  color  red 
in  the  religious  rites  of  these  tribes  and  of  ancient  nations,  especially 
in  the  cult  of  the  dead,  has  attracted  attention,  and  several  explanations 
of  its  use  have  been  offered.  Yet  even  here  there  has  been  no  serious 
attempt  to  distinguish  between  the  different  shades  of  red,  and  to  deter- 
mine the  meanmg  of  each.  Among  very  primitive  peoples,  it  is  true, 
no  such  distinction  exists,  but  it  was  evidentiy  made  by  the  Greeks  and 
Romans  before  historical  times.  The  s)rmbolic  use  of  black  and  white 
among  the  Greeks,  the  Romans,  and  the  Germans  has  also  been  given 
some  consideration.  Yet  with  the  exception  of  a  few  scattered  articles 
on  these  colors  and  brief  references  in  works  dealing  with  other  phases 
of  ancient  life,  nothing  has  been  written  upon  the  symbolism  of  the  dif- 
.  ferent  colors  used  in  early  religions. 

The  religious  feeling  of  the  ancient  Romans  permeated  so  large  a 
part  of  their  life,  aiid  formed  the  basis  of  so  many  customs,  that  a  com- 
plete study  of  their  religious  use  of  various  colors  would  be  a  very  difficult 
and  lengthy  task.  In  the  following  pages,  therefore,  the  subject  has 
been  limited  to  Ronutn  ritual  and  its  use  of  five  particular  colors— scarlet, 
purple,  black,  white,  and  gold.  Even  here  explanations  are  necessary 
and  certain  limitations  have  been  made. 

When  it  was  realized  that  purpureus  and  puniceus  must  be  treated 
separately,  it  was  the  intention  to  investigate  their  use  in  Greek  ritual 
also.  But  it  soon  became  evident  that  in  this  respiect  Greek  customs 
were  not  entirely  parallel  with  those  of  the  Romans,  and  that  they 
varied  in  different  parts  of  the  Greek  world.  The  evidence  collected 
suggests  that  these  colors  had  the  same  religious  significance  in  both 
nations.  But  a  complete  investigation  of  this  matter  would  require 
more  time  than  can  be  spared  for  it  now,  and  it  may  be  enough  for 
present  purposes  to  discuss  only  the  Roman  usage.  The  usual  term 
"purple"  has  been  adopted  as  the  translation  of  purpureus ,  since  there 
is  no  exact  English  equivalent  of  the  Latin  word.  "Dark-red"  would 
be  only  less  unsatisfactory,  and  "purple"  has  the  advantage  <rf  being 
generally  accepted. 


A 

I 


-ti 


VI 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


Though  black  and  white  are  not  colors  in  the  scientific  sense,  they 
are  so  regarded  in  decoration  and  in  ritualistic  use,  and  therefore  have 
their  place  in  the  present  investigation.  Black  has  been  treated  only 
as  opposed  to  white,  since  it  is  connected  only  with  the  underworld 
and  the  full  discussion  of  that  obscure  phase  of  religion,  with  the  colors 
belonging  to  it,  is  beyond  the  scope  of  this  article. 

The  employment  of  gold  in  ritual  seems  clearly  due  to  its  color, 
not  to  its  value  or  its  other  qualities  as  a  metal;  hence  it  is  legitimately 
included  in  this  discussion. 

It  may  seem  strange  that  so  important  a  color  as  ItUeuSy  used  in 
marriage  ceremonies,  has  been  omitted,  but  a  brief  investigation  showed 
that,  in  order  to  determme  its  meaning,  a  careful  consideration  of  the 
relation  between  the  cult  of  Vesta,  the  duties  of  the  Flaminica  Dialis, 
and  the  marriage  rites  would  be  necessary.  That,  too,  would  prove 
sufficient  for  a  separate  study. 

There  has  been  no  attempt  to  decide  why  any  color  was  more  promi- 
nent in  the  worship  of  one  deity  than  in  that  of  others;  only  the  general 
use  of  the  colors  has  been  considered,  with  the  reasons  for  thek  original 
connection  with  Roman  ritual.  In  many  places  it  has  been  impossible 
to  give  a  complete  list  of  references  to  Latin  authors,  owmg  to  the  great 
abundance  of  such  material.  It  is  hoped,  however,  that  the  references 
given  are  sufficient  for  purposes  of  illustration. 


CHAPTER  I 
Scarlet 

The  color  red  embraces  so  great  a  variety  of  shades  that  even  highly 
civilized  man  does  not  readily  distinguish  them.  We  recognize  that 
there  is  a  difference  between  crimson,  scarlet,  magenta,  and  vermilion, 
for  example,  but  in  referring  casually  to  any  one  of  these  shades  we  call 
it  red.  This  carelessness  has  brought  an  added  element  of  confusion 
into  the  study  of  that  already  confused  subject,  Roman  religion.  Many 
eminent  scholars  have  paid  no  attention  to  the  difference  between 
purpureus  and  puniceus,  a  distinction  which  was  sharply  made  by 
the  Romans  in  religious  matters.  Other  writers,  notably  Helbig, 
consider  the  distinction  important,  but  have  not  yet  endeavored  to 
trace  the  original  meaning  of  both  colors.  It  is  the  purpose  of  this 
chapter  to  show  briefly  what  the  difference  was,  to  point  out  the  use  of 
scarlet  in  various  phases  of  Roman  religion,  and,  to  some  extent,  at  least, 
to  account  for  that  use. 

The  term  purpureus  (7rop<^6p€os)  included  many  shades  of  dark  red,^ 
ranging  from  a  shade  which  was  not  far  from  scarlet^  to  a  deep  violet. 
The  best  varieties  were  made  at  Tyre  from  the  liquor  secreted  by  certain 
salt-water  snails,  the  murex  or  hucinum  and  the  purpura  or  pelagia,^ 
though  the  Romans  also  used  the  purple  made  in  other  coimtries 
from  vegetable  dyes. 

Scarlet  (coccineus)  was  often  called  puniceus  or  phoeniceus  (<t)oi,viK€oi) 
because  it  was  manufactured  chiefly  at  Carthage.  It  was  made  from 
an  insect  living  on  the  scarlet  oak  which  was  thought  to  be  the  berry 
(coccum,  k6kkos)  of  that  tree.* 

Many  passages  of  both  prose  and  poetrjr*  show  that  the  distinction 
existed  even  in  common  speech,  but,  naturally,  as  in  modem  times,  the 

*Dig.  32,  70,  13:  "Puipurae  autem  appdlatione  omnis  generis  purpuram  con- 
tineri  puto,  sed  coccum  non  continebitur;  fudnum  et  ianthinum  continebitur. " 

*  This  color  was  not  permanent  unless  combined  with  other  dyes;  cf.  Pliny,  N.  H. 
DC,  134:  "budnum  per  se  damnatur,  quoniam  fucimi  remittit:  pelagio  admodum 
alligatur  nimiaeque  eius  nigritiae  dat  austeritatem  illam  nitoremque  qui  quaeritur 
coed.     Ita  permixtis  viribus  alterum  altero  exdtatur  aut  adstringitur. " 

r       •  Pliny  {N.  H.  DC,  125-140)  describes  the  Tyrian  processes  of  manufacture.    A 
I  full  account  is  given  by  Bliimner,  Tech.  und  Term.  I,  pp.  233-248. 
L       *  Pliny,  N.  H.  XVI,  32;  DC,  141;  XXH,  3. 

•  E.  g.,  Plaut.  Menaech.  V,  5,  19;  Tib.  II,  3,  57  f.;  Mart.  IV,  28,  1-3;  Isid.  Orig. 
XDC,  24, 9;  Lucan  X,  123-126;  Suet.  Nero  30. 


^^l4.r?Si^:^^■ .. 


\' 


2  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 

tenns  were  often  used  loosely.  Bliimner*  has  found  that  purpureus 
in  poetry  and  pathetic  prose  often  has  the  general  signification  red, 
and  that  puniceus  also  may  be  so  used,  but  that,  on  the  other  hand, 
coccineus  is  generally  confined  to  its  special  meaning.  Religious  con- 
servatism prevents  this  tendency  from  being  very  troublesome  in  our 
present  investigation,  though  it  will  be  necessary  to  scrutinize  carefully 
the  statements  of  the  later  poets. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  scarlet  was  used  on  certain  sacerdotal 
garments  and  on  others  worn  in  the  performance  of  specified  duties. 
The  infulae  worn  by  priests  and  victims,  and  hung  upon  temples,  trees, 
or  other  consecrated  objects,^  were  often  of  white  and  scarlet.*  This 
seems  to  have  been  true  in  the  worship  of  Bona  Dea,'  and  is  probable 
in  that  of  Vesta,  as  Jordan^°  and  DragendorflP^  have  seen.  The  Flaminica 
Dialis,  however,  wore  a  piuple  fiUet,"  while  "caeruleae  vittae"  were 
placed  on  the  victims  dedicated  to  certain  sea  deities,"  on  altars  which 
were  set  up  to  the  Manes  of  Polydorus,"  and  on  the  animals  sacrificed 
yearly  to  the  Manes  of  L.  Caesar."^ 

The  distinguishing  mark  of  the  Arval  Brothers'  priesthood  was  a 
wreath  of  grain  bound  with  white  fillets.^'    The  emphasis  placed  upon 

•Bliimncr,  Die  Rote  Farbe  im  Lateinischen,  Archiv  VI,  1889,  401. 

'Fest  113  M,  100  Lindsay:  "Infulae  sint  fUamenta  lanea,  quibus  sacerdotes  et 
hostiae  templaque  velantur";  Stat.  SUv.  IV,  4,  92:  "votiferaque  meas  suspendit 
ab  arbore  vittas";  IV,  8,  1:  "Pandc  fores  superum  vittaUque  templa  Sabacb  |  nubi- 
bus";  Appian,  B,  C.  H,  108;  v.  Pley,  Rdgesch.  Versuche  XI,  1911,  4043;  see  48-79 
for  full  disoission  and  references. 

*  Serv.  Aen.  X,  538:  "Infula,  fascia  in  modum  diadematis,  a  qua  vittae  ab  utraque 
parte  dependent:  quae  plerumque  lata  est,  plenimque  tortilis  de  albo  et  cocco"; 
cf.  Isid.  Orig.  XIX,  30,  4. 

•Prop.  IV,  9,  27:  "Devia  puniceae  vdabant  limina  vittae";  IV,  9,  52:  "Puniceo 
canas  stamine  vincta  comas."  Doubtless  for  poetical  reasons,  only  one  of  the  two 
colors  b  mentioned. 

>•  Jordan,  Der  Tempd  der  Vesta,  p.  49. 

"  Dragendorff,  Rk,  M.  LI,  1896,  p.  286. 

"  Fcst  355  M,  484  L. :  "Tutulimi  vocari  aiunt  Flaminicarum  capitis  omamentum, 
quod  fiat  vitta  purpurea  innexa  crinibus  et  extructum  in  altitudineuL  " 

MVal.Flacilf«.  1,188  fif. 

^  Aen,  m,  62  Q. 

^  Cenotaphia  Pisana,  Ordli-Henzen  642  (»  Dessau  139). 

^Hiny,  N,  H.  XVm,  6:  "Arvorum  sacerdotes  Romulus  inprimis  instituit 

•  .  .  ^cea  corona  quae  vitta  alba  coUigaretur,  sacerdotio  ei  pro  religiosissimo  insigni 
data";  Gell.  Vn,  (VI),  7,  8:  "Sabinus  Masurius  in  primo  memoralium,  aecutut 
quoadam  historiae  scriptores,  .  .  .  inquit  .  .  .  collegium  mansit  fratrum  arvalium 

•  •  •  cuius  sacerdotii  insigne  est  spicea  corona  et  albae  infulae. " 


C 


SCARLET  ^ 

this  may  seem  to  support  the  interpretation  of  Servius'  comment,  which 
has  been  adopted  by  certain  scholars,  that  infidae  were  generaUy  white 
and  scarlet,  whether  they  were  twisted  or  not.    Yet  the  fillets  of  the 
laurel  wreath  on  Caesar^s  statue  which  were  so  strenuously  objected 
to  by  the  tribuni  plebis  were  white."    If  we  could  trust  references  in  the 
poets  implicitly,  we  should  have  no  hesitation  in  recognizing  white  as 
the  usual  color,"  but  it  is  possible  that  in  many  cases  some  other  color 
(scarlet?)  was  combined  with  it.^'    Very  likely  the  fillets  differed  as 
the  worship  of  the  particular  deity  required,  white  usuaUy  being  predomi- 
nant.   Bards  are  represented  as  wearing  either  white  or  purple  fil- 
lets ;2«  the  brows  of  the  victors  in  Aeneas'  boat-race  are  bound  with 
scarlet  ;2i  the  Parcae  in  Catullus'  epyUion  wear  white  or  bright  red  bands 
on  their  sacred  heads  ;«^  the  dancers  m  the  pompa  circensis  were  clad  in 
scarlet;^  but  in  all  these  instances  Grecian  practices,  not  Roman,  were 
followed,  and  the  descriptions  are  of  no  service  in  the  present  investi- 
gation. 

wSuet.  Caes.  79:  **cum  .  .  .  quidam  e  turba  statuae  eius  coronam  lauream 
Candida  fascia  praeligata  imposuisset,  et  tribuni  plebis  .  .  .  coronae  fasciam  detrahi 
.  .  .  iussissent";  cf.  Appian,  B.  C.  II,  108. 

"a)  Ceres:  Ov.  Met.  V,  109  f.:  "Cererisque  sacerdos  I  Ampycus,  albente  velatus 
tcmpora  vitta."  Since  white  garments  were  especially  suited  to  Ceres  (v.  Ov.  Fast. 
IV,  619  f.;  V,  355  f.;  Met.  X,  432;  Her.  IV,  71;  Val.  Max.  I,  1,  15)  and  her  fillets  were 
a  distinctive  emblem  in  Tertullian's  time  {De  PaUio  4;  De  Test.  Animae  2),  it  is  pro- 
bable Uiat  tiie  fillets  also  were  pure  white.  The  sinularity  of  her  worship  to  tiiat  of 
Dca  Dia  is  obvious;  Fowler,  Rom.  Fest.,  p.  74,  considers  the  two  identical,  b)  ApoUo: 
Lucan  V  142  ff . ;  "  Tum  torta  priores  |  stringit  vitta  comas,  crinesque  in  terga  solutos  | 
Candida  Phocaia  complectitur  infula  lauro."  This,  if  taken  literally,  would  indicate 
that  not  even  twisted  fillets  were  always  of  two  colors;  v.  Ov.  Met.  XIH,  643;  Stat 
Tkeb  IV,  217;  VI,  330 f.  c)  Diana:  Ov.  Met.  H,  413:  "vitta  coercuerat  neglectos 
alba  capiUos,"  d)  Aesculapius:  Ov.  Met.  XV,  676:  "evmctus  vitta  crines  alb^te 
sacerdos."  Isidorus'  statement:  "infula  est  fasdola  sacerdotalis  capitis  alba 
(Off.  XIX,  30,  4)  may  be  based  on  such  passages,  e)  Cumaean  Sibyl:  Stat.  Sth. 
IV,  3,  114  ff.  f)  King  Syphax:  Stt.  It.  XVI,  241  f.  g)  Bards,  inventors,  and  good 
men  in  general:  Aen.  VI,  660-665;  d.  IV,  457  ff. 

»•  Note  Stat  Thdf.  H,  737  f.,  of  a  ceremony  m  Pallas'  honor:  "ab  arbore  casta  | 
nectent  purpureas  niveo  discrimine  vittas. " 

»•  Sa.  It  Xm,  779 f.:  "EflSgem— castam,  cui  vitta  ligabat  |  purpurea  cffusos 
per  coUa  nitentia  crines";  Stot  SUv.  VI,  7,  5-11:  "ipsi  quos  penes  est  honor  canendi 
.  .  .  purpureas  novate  vittas";  AckU.  I,  11  (of  himself  as  bard):  "nee  n^  nunc 
primis  albescunt  tempora  vittis"  (Klotz  reads  augescunt  for  albescunt);  cf.  Thdt. 
in,  466  f.;  Verg.  i4«i.  VI,  665. 

»  Aen.  V,  269:  "puniceis  ibant  evincti  tempora  taenis. "  ^^  ^ 

«Cat  LXIV,  309:  "At  roseo  niveae  residebant  vertice  vittae."  See  EUis 
note  on  this  much-discussed  line. 

»  Dion.  Hal  VH,  72. 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


One  article  in  the  picturesque  garb  of  the  Salii  was  a  trabea  with  a 
purple  border  and  scarlet  stripes.^*  Its  groundwork  was  perhaps 
white,  like  that  of  the  toga,  as  Helbig  suggests.^  Scarlet  seems  to  have 
been  the  chief  color  of  their  tunica  picta,  but  the  other  colors  are 
unknown.^ 

Another  purple  and  scarlet  trabea  was  worn  by  the  equites  at  their 
annual  transvectio  (July  IS)^^  and  on  all  other  public  occasions."  Its 
groundwork  was  purple,  the  stripes  scarlet.^^ 

Of  a  third,  devoted  to  the  augurs'  use,  we  know  only  that  it  com- 
bined the  same  two  colors  ;2»  which  color  formed  the  groundwork  and 
which  the  stripes  is  not  stated.  Servius'  assertion  that  the  flamens  of 
Jupiter  and  Mars  wore  the  trabea^^  has  justly  caused  surprise;'^  as  Helbig 
says,  it  is  so  strange  that  it  cannot  have  been  invented.  No  ancient 
source  mentions  the  color  of  this  trabea,  yet  it  is  hardly  correct  to  say 
that  there  is  no  hmt  that  it  differed  from  the  color  of  the  toga  praetexta." 
In  the  passage  referred  to,  Servius  is  commenting  upon  the  attire  of  King 
Picus  as  an  augur,^^  and  attributes  both  ancHe  and  trabea  to  the  augurs 
and  the  two  flamens  named.  It  is  at  least  possible  that  he  definitely 
meant  the  augural  trabea  with  its  scarlet  and  purple.  How  probable 
this  is  will  be  seen  later. 

**  Dion.  Hal.  II,  70:  x^tQ^cl^  woucLXotn  xaXxais  fiLrpcut  KaTtf^ioafikvot  Kal  rnfiiyvas 
ifirexopxiifikpoi  wtpLxofxttOpow  <t>oiviKOTapO<t>ovi  As  xoXoOai  rpafiias  (Icrri  d'kTix<i>pios 
oXfTfi  'Fufialois  taSits  kv  rols  rkw  timIo);  cf.  Marquardt,  Privatleben  II«,  507,  n.  2, 
and  545;  Helbig,  Sur  les  aUributs  des  Saliens,  p.  56. 

»Livy  I,  20;  Dion.  Hal.  II,  70;  Plut.  Numa  13:  ^i^uoOt  .  .  .  x^r(avl<rKov%\ 
Helbig,  op.  cit.j  p.  50. 

'^  Val.  Max.  II,  2,  9;  Pers.  Ill,  29;  Dion.  Hal.  VI,  13. 

"Suet.  Domit.  14;  Tac.  Ann.  Ill,  2;  Stat.  SUv.  IV,  2,  32£.;  Mart.  V,  35;  23, 
1-6  and  Friedlander's  note;  cf.  Monun.  Staatsr.  III»,  1, 513  n.  2. 

"  Dion.  Hal.  VI,  13:  irop<f>vpas  0cHviicoTap60ov$  .  .  .  ny/Slcvaf,  rdf  KaXovM^yas 
rpafikas;  cf.  Helbig,  Hermes,  XXXIX,  1904,  p.  178. 

"Serv.  Aen.  VII,  612:  "Suetonius  in  libro  de  genere  vestium  dicit  tria  genera 
esse  trabeanim:  unum  dis  sacratum  quod  est  tantum  de  purpura;  aliud  regum,  quod 
est  purpureum,  habet  tamen  album  aliquid;  tertium  augurale  de  purpura  et  cocco"; 
d.  Serv.  Aen.  VH,  188. 

"Serv.  Aen.  VII,  190:  "Andle  et  trabea  communia  sunt  (auguri]  cum  Diali 
vd  Martiali  sacerdote. " 

«  Momm.  Staatsr.  P,  429,  n.  6;  Wissowa,  R.  K.*  499,  n.  1;  Helbig,  Hermes  XXXDC, 
1904,167. 

»  Helbig,  Hermes  XXXIX,  1904, 178.  - 

••  Cf.  Serv.  Aen.  VH,  187,  188;  IX,  4. 


SCARLET 


Other  garments  were  entirely  scarlet.  If  Tertullian  is  to  be  credited, 
devotees  of  Saturn  wore  a  scarlet  cloak.^  The  paludamentum,  worn 
by  the  imperator,  his  lictors,^  and  even  by  common  soldiers,^*  was  usually 
scarlet,"  though  it  might  be  purpureuSy  or  even  white.'^ 

In  this  connection  should  be  mentioned  the  Saliae  virgines  who  sacri- 
ficed "  in  Regia  cum  Pontifice  paludatas  cum  apicibus  in  modum  Salio- 

rum."»» 

As  primitive  medicine  was  based  upon  the  idea  of  possession  by 
evil  spirits,  it  is  natural  to  find  articles  possessing  a  religious  significance 
used  to  help  along  the  cure  or  as  a  preventive.  Marcellus  is  constantly 
prescribmg  scarlet  for  such  purposes.  Where  it  is  employed  to  cure 
bloodshot  eyes,*<'  or  white  spots  on  the  eyes,*^  "sympathetic"  magic 
is  doubtless  the  reason,  the  bright  red  cloth  being  supposed  to  draw 
to  itself  the  excess  of  color  in  the  over-charged  veins,  or  to  substitute 
the  healthful  hue  for  the  unnatural  whiteness.  It  should  be  noticed 
that  fresh  blood  is  also  a  part  of  such  charms.  In  various  other  cases, 
however,  the  use  of  this  particular  color  is  not  so  easily  explained,  and 
a  deeper  significance  must  be  sought,*^  especially  where  it  is  used  as  a 
"blanket  prescription."^ 

••Tertull.  De  Test.  Animae  2:  "pallio  Satumi  coccinata  ...  in  ipsis  denique 
templis  deum  iudicem  imploras?";  De  Pallio  4:  "cum  .  .  .  Galatici  ruboris  super- 
iectio  Satumum  commendat. " 

»  Cic.  in  Pis.  23,  55;  Livy  XXXI,  14,  2;  XLI,  10, 13;  Sil.  It.  IX,  419  £.;  Appian, 
Hist.  Rom.  VIII,  66;  cf.  Varro,  L.  L.  VII,  37. 

»•  V.  Marquardt,  PrL.  II«,  567. 

"Pliny,  N.  H.  XXII,  3:  "Galatiae,  Africae,  Lusitaniae,  grani  coccum  impera- 
toriis  dicatum  paludamentis";  Hor.  Epod.  9,  27  f.  and  Porphyrio's  comment;  Val. 
Max.  V,  1,  6;  SU.  It.  IV,  517;  XVII,  391  fif.;  cf.  Lamprid.  Alex.  Serv.  40,  7;  Val.  Max. 
V,  1,  7;  Lydus,  De  Mag.  II,  4. 

»•  Livy  XXX,  17,  13;  Hirt.,  BeU.  Afr.  57;  Val.  Max.  1, 8, 8;  1, 6, 11;  Act.  on  Hor. 
Epod.  9,  27.  The  use  of  gold  upon  it  was  of  late  origin;  cf.  Suet.  Calig.  XIX,  2. 
Aurd.  Vict.  EpU.  3  extr.;  Pliny,  N.  H.,  XXXIII,  63;  Tac.  Ann.  XII,  56;  Cass. 
Dio  LX,  33,  3.  The  variation  of  colors  accounts  for  Isid.  Orig.  XIX,  24,  9;  "Paluda- 
mentum  erat  insigne  pallium  imperatorum  cocco  purpuraque  et  auro  distinctum." 

••  Cindus  and  Aelius  Stilo  m  Festus  329  M,  439  L. 

*•  Marcellus  VIII,  135:  "Ranam  de  lacu  prendes  et  spina  oculos  ei  subtiliter  erues 
atque  in  panno  cocdneo  de  lido  ligatos  oculis  interius  cruentis  superpones,  dto  mede- 
beris"  cf.  also  VIII,  50-51,  VUI;  26. 

**  Marcellus  VIII,  129:  "Ad  albuginem  oculorum  detergendam  eflficax  hoc  reme- 
dium:  vulpem  vivam  capies  eique  linguam  praeddes  ipsamque  vivam  dimittes,  linguam 
autem  dus  arefactam  phoenido  ligabis  et  collo  eius  qui  albuginem  patietur  suspendes. " 

«  Marcdlus  XV,  89;  XH,  25;  XXII,  44;  XIV,  30;  XIV,  25  f.;  XIV,  23;  XIV,  20; 
XVI,  11;  XXXI,  18;  XXVH,  140;  XX,  104;  XV,  47;  XXH,  41;  XXXVI,  4. 

«  Marcdlus,  XXV,  33:  "Ad  nesdam  physicum  remedium:  testudinis  aquaticae 
cnis  praedde  et  phoenido  involutum  ex  ea  parte,  qua  quis  nesdam  patitur,  adpone, 
potenter  remediabitur. " 


6  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 

The  use  of  scarlet  feathers  or  cloths  in  hunting,**  or  in  bull  fights,** 
is  probably  due  to  the  physico-psychological  effect  thus  produced  on 
the  animal,  while  Vergil's  indifferent  assignment  of  purple  or  scarlet 
himting-boots  to  Diana  and  to  her  devotees**  indicates  only  that  some 
shade  of  red  was  used.  With  purely  poetical  phrases*^  and  the  use  of 
brilliant  hues  by  a  luxurious**  age  we  are  not  concerned. 

We  have,  therefore,  to  consider  the  significance  of  scarlet  on  the  /r j- 
beae  worn  by  the  augiurs,  knights,  Salii,  and  the  flamens  of  Jupiter  and 
Mars,  on  the  infulae  of  the  Vestals  and  the  priestess  of  Bona  Dea,  on 
the  paludametUum,  and  in  medicine;  in  addition,  the  reference  to  the 
cloak  worn  by  Saturn's  worshiper  is  to  be  kept  in  mind. 

Of  the  birds  observed  in  augury,  one  of  the  most  important  was  the 
woodpecker.*'  It  was  therefore  connected  with  Jupiter,  for  the  augurs 
were  "interpretes  lovis  Optimi  Maximi."*<>  Yet  it  was  called  "picus 
Martins,""  and  was  sacred  to  Mars  throughout  Central  Italy.  Tradi- 
tion said  that  a  little  band  of  Sabines  setting  out  to  find  a  new  home  had 
been  guided  by  a  woodpecker  to  the  destined  land,  which  for  that  reason 
was  named  Picenum,***  at  Tiora  Matiene,  in  the  territory  of  the  Aequi, 
there  was  an  ancient  oracle  of  Mars  similar  to  that  of  Zeus  at  Dodona, 
but  the  prophecies  were  uttered  by  a  woodpecker  perched  on  a  wooden 
column;*'  in  the  tabulae  Iguvinae  a  field  is  named  "Picius  Martins," 
and  the  woodpecker  is  one  of  the  augural  birds.**    The  Latins  also 

**Verg.  Gtorg.  HI,  372  "punicaevc  agitant  pavidos  formidine  pinnae";  Aen, 
Xn,  750;  Sen.  Phaed.  46  f. 

^•Ov.  Ma.  xn,  102-104:  "Hand  secus  exarsit,  quam  drco  taunis  aperto,  |  cum 
sua  terribili  petit  inritamina  comu,  ]  poeniceas  vestes.'' 

«  Verg.  Ed.  VH,  32;  Aen.  I,  336  f. 

*'Sa.  It  XVI,  354;  Mart.  XIV,  131,  1  {coccum  and  coccinus  used  for  russeus  of 
the  drcus-faction);  Ciris,  500  f.  {puniceus  used  for  the  usual  purpureus);  Apul.  Mei, 
3, 1;  Verg.  Aen.  XII,  76,  etc. 

*»Mart.  n,  39;  IV,  28,  1-3;  I,  96,  4fif.;  X,  76,  9;  H,  29,  7  f.,  and  Friedlftnder's 
note;  Juv.  HI,  283.  This  includes  the  adoption  of  scarlet  by  the  Roman  emperors; 
cf.  Suet  Nero,  30,  3;  DomU.  4,  2;  Lamprid.  AUx.  Sev.  40,  11. 

*•  Pliny,  N.  H.  X,  4041 :  "Sunt  et  parvae  aves  uncorum  unguium,  ut  pid  Martio 
cognomine  insignes  et  in  auspidb  magni.  .  .  .  Ipsi  prindpales  Latio  sunt  in  auguriis 
a  Rge  qui  nomen  huic  avi  dedit";  d.  Festus  197  and  246  M.;  Isid.  Grig.  XII,  47. 

••Cic  De  Leg.  n,  20;  HI,  43;  Phil.  Xm,  12;  Amob,  IV,  35;  d.  Aust,  Rdigiom 
der  RUmer,  1899,  p.  121. 

"£.  g.y  Varro,  De  VU.  Pop  Rom,  HI  (in  Nonius  518  M.);  Pliny,  N.  H.  XI,  122; 
XXV,  29;  Serv.  Aen.  VH,  190. 

"  Strabo  V,  4,  2;  Paul.  212  M.,  235  L. 

"  Dion.  Hal.  1, 14,  5. 

•«  Buechder,  Umbrica,  pp.  37,  42  ff. 


SCARLET  ' 

revered  the  sacred  bird."    It  helped  the  wolf  nourish  Romulus  and 
Remus  Mars»  children,"  and  possessed  certain  other  unusual  quahties. 

It  is  not  strange,  then,  that  from  this  prophetic  bird,  connected 
with  both  Jupiter  and  Mars,  and  endowed  with  magical  powers,  there 
developed  the  idea  of  a  deity,  and  later  that  of  a  kmg.^«  This  deity 
was  sometimes  worshipped  under  tiie  name  of  Picumnus,  and,  with  his 
brotiier  Pilumnus,  watched  over  new-bom  children*^'  and  certam  pro- 
cesses of  agriculture.^*  In  tiiis  latter  connection  his  fatiier  is  Sterces 
(Stercutus),  identified  witii  Saturn.«o  The  better-known  legends  caU 
him  Picus,  tiie  son  of  Saturn,"  and  tiie  fatiier  of  Faunus,«^  tiie  oracular 
wood-deity.«  Sometimes  he  is  apparentiy  identified  witii  Mars. 
Ovid"  names  Picus  and  Faunus  "di  nemorum,"  a  title  readily  ascnbed 
to  Picus  because  of  the  forest  life  of  the  woodpecker. 

As  one  of  tiie  early  kings  of  Latium  his  wife  was  Pomona,"  Canens, 
tiie  daughter  of  Janus,"  or  even  Circe,«'  who  changed  tiie  royal  youtii 
into  a  woodpecker.  Ovid«8  gives  tiie  details  of  tiie  transformaUon 
delightiully:  tiie  youtii,  hunting  witii  a  band  of  friends,  was  seen  and 

**  Pint.  Q.R.  21.  . 

••  See  Fabius  Pictor  in  Nonius  518  M.  (d.  Peter,  Hist.  Rom.  Frag.  p.  75, 11. 15-10;; 

Ov.  Fast.  HI,  37  f.;  Plut.  De  Fort.  Rom.  VIII,  320  D. 

"Plant.  Aul.  701  f.  (d.  Non.  152  M.);  Pliny,  N.  H.  X,  4041;  Isid.  Ortg.  Xn, 

47;  Prdler- Jordan,  Rom.  Myth.  337. 

••  See  Carter  in  Roscher,  Lea:.  IIP,  2494-2496. 

••  Non.  518  M. :  "Picumnus  et  avis  est  Marti  dicata,  quam  picum  vd  picam  vocant, 
etdeus qui  sacrisRomanisadhibetur;"  Interpol.  Serv.  Aen.  X,  76:  "Varro  Pilumnum 
et  Pitumnum  inf antium  deos  esse  ait  eisque  pro  puerpera  lectum  m  atno  sterm,  dum 
exploretur  an  vitaUs  sit  qui  natus  est.  Piso  Pilumnum  dictum  quia  pdlat  mala  m- 
fantiae,  sed  Pilumnus  idem  Stercutius,  ut  quidam  dicunt,  qui  propter  pUum  myentum, 
quo  fruges  confid  solent,  ita  appeUatus  est;"  Serv.  Aen.  IX,  4:  *  Pilumnus  et  Pitumnus 
fratres  fuenmt  dii.  Horum  Pitumnus  usum  stercorandorum  invemt  agrorum  .  .  . 
unde  et  Sterculinius  dictus  est  .  .  .  Pilumnus  vero  pinsendi  frumenti;  unde  et  a 
pistoribus  deus  coliter  .  .  .  Varro  coniugales  deos  suspicatur." 

••Macrob.  Sat.  I,  7,  25;  Varro  in  Aug.  C.  D.  XVHI,  15;  Isid.  Of*g.  XVII,  1,  3. 

«  Aen.  VII,  48  f.;  Amob.  Adv.  Nat.  II,  71;  Festus  246  M.;  Lactant.  Inst.  I,  22,  9; 
Aug.  C.  D.  XVIII,  15;  SU.  It.  Vm,  439  ff.  ..^  «    ^  ,      r.  , 

~Prob.  on  Verg.  Georg.  I,  10;  Aen.  VII,  81  ff.;  Ov.  Fast.  IV,  649  ff.;  Calp.  m. 
I,  8  ff .    See  W.  Warde  Fowler,  The  Religious  Experience  of  the  Roman  People,  p.  » 1 . 

«  Appian,  De  Reg.  I,  1;  Dion.  Hal.  I,  31;  cf.  Prdler-Jordan,  RUm.  Myth.  I,  p.  379. 

••  Ov.  Fast,  m,  297. 

•  Serv.  Aen.  VII,  190. 

••  Ov.  if rf.  XIV,  333  ff .  .^.       __-_ 

•'  Aen.  Vn,  189  ff.;  Val.  Flac.  Arg.  VH,  232.    This  is  consistent  with  Aen.  Xll, 

161  ff.,  in  which  the  Sun  is  Latinus'  ancestor. 

••  Ov.  Met.  XIV,  320  ff.    Briefer  accounts  are  found  in  other  authors. 


a 


/ 


/ 


s 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITtTAI, 


loved  by  the  sorceress;  enticing  Mm  away  from  his  companions,  she 
revealed  herself  to  him,  and  when  her  passion  was  scorned,  she  took 
her  characteristic  revenge;  his  scarlet  chlamys"  was  turned  into  briUiant 
plumage,  and  the  gold  fibula  which  had  fastened  it  became  the  yeUow 
feathers  around  his  neck. 

But  the  most  famous  account  of  King  Picus  is  that  given  in  the 
seventh  book  of  the  Aeneid."    Vergil  is  describing  the  ancestral  palace 
of  King  Latmus,  "Laurentis  regia  Pici."    Within  it  were  statues  of 
the  early  Italian  monarchs,  including  Janus  and  Saturn.    Prominent 
among  them  was  a  seated  image  of  Picus,  "equum  domitor,"  first  ruler 
Of  the  Laurentines,  and  grandfather  of  Latinus.    He  was  clad  in  the 
trabea,  htld  the  lUuus  Quirinalis,  and  carried  an  ancile  upon  his  left 
Mm     Seryius  mterprets  this  costume  as  that  of  the  augur,  basing  his 
identificauon  upon  the  lituus^  and  the  fact  that  the  other  kings  were 
represented  standing,  whereas  Picus,  weU  known  as  an  augur,"  kept  the 
position  smtable  for  that  official."    Certainly  the  woodpecker,  of  scarlet 

"IT^*'  ^"P^°y^  "»  ^"g^.  endowed  with  magical  powers,  might 
weu^become  an  augur  and  wear  the  augur's  trabea  of  scarlet  and  pur- 
ple. It  IS,  of  course,  possible  that  the  trabea  meant  was  the  royal 
Cloak,  purple  with  narrow  white  stripes,"  and  that  the  shield  indicated 

I   to!' ^!'  ^'  ^'''  ^'  ^^'  "PO""***™  Mvo  chlamydem  contractus ab  auro"  with 

^nfr^'    ^    "*.'  ~™"^'"  "^  Nfa"*'  "Pun>ureus  crinis"  (OM's  Use  of  Colour 
th«  the  adjecuve  might  convey  an  idea  of  brightness,  while  his  evidince  that  punicJ, 

^^"Tr  "•"■  '"^^  "  ""'  ~"^'=^-  Woodpeckers  "are  generaUy  o^S 
^^oured  ptonage  in  whid>  black,  white,  brown.  oUve.  green.  yeUow.oran^or 

rtune  \^^     ?V\  ^-  '°'^°'  P-  ^O^);   we  would,   therefore,  ^t 

bat-  o^JnTifi^^'  *?°J.  "*■*"  ^'  *'  *"^  '"'"*  P''™'  P«^  1""n  futura  ■«»«- 
a^r^:^^  ""^^'  """•  ^^  »"tem  supra  ei  Utuum  dedit.  quod  est 
ITTd  XT'.?"^  "die  et  trabea  communia  sunt  DiaU  vd  MartiaU  sacerdote; 
«Hnd«^'  1     '  'i  ^"^  °'  ^'-  ^'  "•  ^-  "Lit<"^  iste  vester.  quod  darissimun^ 

2^%T  '•  ''  *"■  '*"•  "■  ^'  **=  ^'^'  ^'  *'•  *•  AP""  ^^-  22;  Serv. 
nost  H^,*'*'"'  ^'  ^''  ""<^<''™  augures  -sedere-  est  augurium  captare;  namque 

cmctus  trabw.  quod  est  augurum.  cum  alios  stantes  induxerit." 

AtH.  Vn'm  '^'     '"**  *^'  augurum  de  cocco  et  purpura;"  of.  Setv. 

haber^^."^^  ^',.**'?i  "*''"'•  fe*""'  trabeaniml  regum.  quod  est  purpureum, 
habet  tamen  album  ahqmd;  v.  Hdbig.  Bormcs  XXXK.  1904,  176. 


4 


& 


SCARLET  9 

warlike  characteristics,  "so  dass  er  also  wie  alle  alten  Konige  zugleich 
als  Augur  und  als  Krieger  gedacht  wurde,"^^  but  there  seems  no  good 
reason  for  rejecting  Servius'  explanation,  when  we  cannot  prove  that 
it  is  wrong  and  when  there  is  so  much  in  its  favor. 

We  have  seen  that  Picus  is  bird,  deity,  and  king;  that  he  is  closely 
connected  with  Mars  and  Jupiter,  and,  as  deity  and  king,  with  Saturn. 
Helbig^*  has  shown  the  probability  of  Mycenaean  influence  upon  the 
peoples  of  central  Italy.    In  this  connection  the  identification  of  Picus 
with  the  Cretan  Zeus  is  interesting;  in  relation  to  our  investigation  it 
is  significant.    Both  Suidas^^  and  Diodorus  Siculus,^*  with  minor  dif- 
ferences, relate  that  Picus,  or  Zeus,  ruled  over  Italy;  that  dying  he  left 
the  empire  to  his  son  and  asked  that  he  be  interred  in  Crete;  this  was 
done  and  an  epitaph  erected  stating  that  IKkos  6  Kai  Zeus  was  buried 
there.    Malalas^®  attributes  to  Bruttius  the  story  that  6  avrds  Wlkos  6 
Kal  Zeus  wooed  Danae.     Creuzer^°  quotes  from  Nicetas  {Epithet.  Deor, 
Meletem.  I,  p.  18)  the  adjectives  fJTLos  wIkos  as  applied  to  Jupiter,  and 
sees  a  close  connection  between  the  Jupiter  Elicius  story^^  and  the 
Cretan  myth.    He  says,  "  Der  Blitz  ist  hier  in  diesen  Mythen  personi- 
ficirt.    Als  schreckend  und  verderbend  ist  Juppiter  der  Scharfe  and 
Strenge;  als  befruchtend  und  segnend  Volkerhirt  und  sanfter  Konig.®^ 
Hat  der  Schrecken  des  Blitzes  und  Donners  nachgelassen,  so  ist  der 
Verderber  todt.    Das  ist  der  sterbende  Picus,  der  in  Creta  begraben  ist. " 
Although  this  explanation  is  partially  based  on  the  untrustworthy  story 
of  Valerias  Antias,  it  is  evident  that  Picus  was  sometimes  identified  with 
the  lightning  god  in  Greek  tradition,  and  we  have  seen  that  the  wood- 

"Preller-Jordan,  Rom.  Myth.  I,  377. 

'•Helbig,  Sur  Its  AUributs  des  Saliens;  cf.  especially  p.  31:  "Nous  possidons 
toute  une  s6rie  de  faits  attestant  que,  pendant  la  p6riode  pr6c6dant  la  fondation  des 
premieres  cdonies  grecques  dans  les  pajrs  ocddentaux,  les  peuples  de  I'ltalie  centrale 
subirent  I'influence  de  la  civilisation  myc6nienne. "  Compare  Varro  in  Aug.  C.  D. 
XVIII,  15:  "Per  ea  tempora  regnum  finitum  est  Argivorum  translatum  ad  Mycenas, 
unde  fuit  Agamenmon,  et  exortum  est  regnum  Laurentum,  ubi  Satumi  filius  Picus 
regnum  primus  accepit. " 

'^Suidas:  n^jcof  6  koL  Zebs  .  .  .  He  adds:  niijaniPTai  roQ  riapov  toOtov  xXetcrroi 
h  toTj  l5(otf  (rvyypii^fjiaffi, 

'•  Diod.  Sic.  VI,  5,  Excerpta  ex  loannis  Chranicis.  Cramer  thinks  this  loannes 
b  Malalas. 

"  Peter,  Hist.  Rom.  Frag.  375,  25-27. 

••Creuzer,  Symbolik  IV»,  364  flf.;  cf.  A.  B.  Cook,  CI.  R.  XVII,  1903,  412. 

«  Ov.,  Fast,  m,  285-398. 

"*  Not  only  Saturn  but  also  his  descendants  ruled  mildly  over  their  people;  cf . 
Piobus  on  Verg.  Georg.  I,  10;  Aen.  VH,  45  f. 


10 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


SCARLET 


11 


t  * 


pecker  was  closely  connected  with  him  in  Italian  ideas.  It  seems  prob- 
able that  this  story  of  the  Cretan  Zeus  ruling  as  king  of  Italy  arose  from 
the  confusion  of  Zeus  with  Jupiter.^  In  that  case  the  identification  of 
Picus  with  Zeus  may  point  to  an  early  connection  of  Picus  with  Jupiter. 
We  may  recall  also  that  Picus,  like  Jupiter,  is  the  son  of  Saturn.  Kuhn®* 
has  shown  conclusively  that  he  is  a  Ughtning-bird,  fire-bringer,  and 
soul-bringer,  and  even  considers  the  possibility  of  his  symbolizing  the 
lightning  itself. 

The  Romans  never  officially  adopted  the  Etruscan  belief  in  nine 
deities  who  hurled  the  thunderbolt,*^  but  ascribed  that  power  to  the  Sky- 
god  alone,*^ — ^for  Simmianus  who  sent  lightning  by  night®^  was  only  "a 
nocturnal  Jupiter.  "*®  In  very  early  times,  however,  like  other  primitive 
peoples,  they  regarded  each  separate  flash  as  a  god,  and  the  anthropo- 
morphic idea  developed  gradually.  Aust*'  and  Wissowa*^  have  traced 
its  growth  as  shown  by  inscriptions  and  literature.  At  first  no  name 
was  attached  to  the  miraculous  flash,  but  the  place  struck  was  set  apart 
and  the  inscription  "fulgur  dium,"*^  or  "fulgur  divom  conditum"  was 

"Amob.  Adv.  Nat.  IV,  14  and  25;  Finn.  Mat.  VI,  I;  XVII,  1;  Commodianus, 
Insir.  1,  6,  16;  1,  5,  1. 

•*  Kuhn,  Die  Herabkunft  des  Feuers  und  des  GoUertrankes  ed.  1886;  d.  especially 
pp.  30-31,  92-93,  224-226.  To  the  reference  Pliny,  N.  H.  X,  36,  may  be  added  Julius 
Obsequens  40,  (100)  and  51  (HI):  "Ser.  Galba  M.  Scauro  consulibus  avis  incendiaria 
et  bubo  in  urbe  visae  .  .  .  C.  Caelio  L.  Domitio  consulibus  .  .  .  avis  incendiaria 
visa  ocdsaque."  Compare  the  eagle  as  lightning-bird,  Kuhn,  pp.  29,  155  flf.;  Usener, 
Rh.  M.  LX,  1905,  24  f.;  ManiHus  V,  487-490,  501-504;  JuUus  Obsequens  66  (126). 

"Pliny,  N.  H.  II,  138:  "Tuscorum  litterae  novem  deos  emittere  fulmina  existi- 
mant  .  .  .  Romani  duo  tantum  ex  iis  servavere,  diuma  attribuentes  lovi,  noctuma 
Summano."  Cf.  MiiUer,  Die  Etrusker  II,  p.  168;  Thulin,  DU  Eiruskische  Disdain 
I,  32  ff. 

••  Serv.  Aen.  I,  42:  "antiqui  lovis  solius  putavenmt  esse  fulmen. "  For  explana- 
tion of  apparent  contradiction  cf .  Thulin,  op.  cU.  I,  23. 

•»  Pliny,  N.  H.  n,  138;  Aug.  C.  D.  IV,  23;  Festus  229  M,  254  L. 

••  Fowler,  Rom.  Fest.,  160;  Thulin,  op.  cit.  I,  23  and  35. 

•»  Roscher,  Lex.  11,  1,  656. 

•0  Wissowa,  R.  K.\  121  f. 

"Dessau  3054,  3055,  3053,  3051;  C.  I.  L.  P,  p.  331;  VI,  206,  30877;  HI,  3953. 
Paul.  92  M.,  82  L. :  "  Fulguritum,  id  quod  est  fulmine  ictum,  qui  locus  statim  fieri  puta- 
batur  rdigiosus,  quod  eum  deus  sibi  dicasse  videretur";  Fest.  229  M.,  254 L.:  "Pro- 
v(»rsum  fulgur  i^pellatur  quod  ignorabatur  noctu  an  interdiu  sit  factunL  Itaque 
lovi  Fulguri  et  Smnmano  fit,  quod  diuma  lovis,  noctuma  Sunmiani  fulgura  habentur. " 
A^tr.  1, 2, 5:  "cum  lovi  Fulguri  et  Cado  et  Soli  et  Lunae  aedifida  subdiu  hypaethraquc 
constituentur."  For  a  complete  list  of  inscriptions  and  for  literature  cf.  Aust,  op, 
cU.  and  Wissowa,  op.  cU. 


-1 


erected.  Then  the  dedication  was  made  to  "luppiter  Fulgur,"  or 
"Fulmen,''  and  later  still,  when  the  lightning  had  become  only  one  of 
the  attributes  of  the  Sky-god,  to  Jupiter  "Fulgerator"  (sic),  or  "Ful- 
minator. "  A  temple  in  the  Campus  Martius  was  dedicated  to  "  Juppiter 
Fulgur, "  and  a  festival  in  his  honor  was  held  yearly  on  October  seventh, 
but  of  the  ceremonies  observed  and  the  priests  who  conducted  them 
we  know  nothing.'-  Quite  as  lunited  is  our  knowledge  of  "Juppiter 
Pistor, "  in  whom  Preller^  and  Wissowa^  see  another  form  of  the  light- 
ning-god. 

The  rites  for  the  expiation  of  thunderbolts  seem  to  have  been  at 
first  under  the  control  of  the  pontifices;^  later  these  duties  were  shared 
by  the  Etruscan  haruspices  and  the  decemviri.  Special  priests  called 
strufertarii  attended  to  the  necessary  rites  when  trees  had  been  struck 
by  lightning.  Unfortunately,  no  information,  as  far  as  I  know,  has 
come  down  to  us  regarding  the  religious  dress  worn  by  any  of  these 

officials. 

But  the  interpretation  of  lightning  as  a  revelation  of  the  will  of 
Jupiter  was  in  the  hands  of  the  augurs.  Indeed,  the  thunderbolt  was 
the  principal  one  of  the  five  classes^  of  signs  which  the  augurs  must  inter- 
pret. It  could  invalidate  the  other  signs,  but  was  not  invalidated  by 
them;*^^  it  alone  could  break  up  a  meeting  of  the  comitia^^ — ^a  survival 
of  the  period  when  every  thunderbolt  was  an  evil  omen;''  if  it  came  from 
the  left,  it  was  of  the  best  possible  significance,  except  for  the  comitia.^^ 

We  have  seen  that  the  augurs  wore  a  special  kind  of  cloak  which 
combined  two  colors — scarlet  and  dark  red.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  these  were  connected  with  definite  religious  ideas.  Since  observing 
the  lightning  formed  a  prominent  part  of  the  augural  tasks,  some  portion 
of  the  regalia  worn  would  naturally  show  consecration  to  the  god  of  the 
lightning.    And  what  is  better  fitted  for  this  purpose  than  scarlet? 

"  W.  Warde  Fowler,  Rom.  Fest.,  p.  239. 

»  PreUer,  Rom.  Myth.  I,  194. 

••  Wissowa,  /.  c. 

»  Thulin  in  Pauly-Wiss.  VII,  2446  ff. 

••  Fest.  261  M,  316  L.  (Paul.  260  M,  317  L.) :  "Quinque  genera  signorum  observant 
augures  publici,  ex  cado,  ex  avibus,  ex  tripudiis,  ex  quadripedibus,  ex  diris,  ut  est  in 
Auguralibus. " 

•'Sen.  N.  Q.  II,  34:  "Summam  esse  vim  fulminis  iudicant,  quia  quicquid  alia 
portendunt,  interventus  fulminis  tollit,  quicquid  ab  hoc  portenditur,  fixum  est  nee 
alterius  ostenti  significatione  mutatur.  Quicquid  exta  quicquid  aves  minabuntur, 
secundo  fulmine  abolebitur.  Quicquid  fulmine  denuntiatum  est,  nee  extis  nee  ave 
contraria  refellitur. " 

»•  Cic  De  Div.  II,  42-43;  74. 

•»  Thulin,  E.  D.  I,  p.  85;  Wissowa,  R.  K.*  p.  533. 


12 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


SCARLET 


13 


ii.i 


I 


The  inter-relation  of  lightning,  fire  and  the  color  red  is  easily  recog- 
nized. Among  very  primitive  peoples  there  is  little  or  no  separation 
of  a  color  into  different  hues,  and  even  modern  investigators  are  apt  to 
disregard  the  possibility  of  such  distinctions.  It  is  most  necessary, 
therefore,  to  proceed  cautiously  in  connecting  a  certain  shade  with  a 
definite  object  and  to  keep  in  mind  "  the  obvious  fact  that  there  is  much 
in  nature  round  about  man  that  is  red  in  color,  "^^o  xhere  is  significance, 
however,  in  the  fact  that  in  the  Atharva-Veda  lightning  is  called  a  red 
bull;ioi  ijiat  Thor  is  red-bearded,  "was  auf  die  feurige  Lufterscheinung 
des  Bhtzes  bezogen  werden  muss,"  and  that  when  angry  he  blows  in 
his  red  beard  and  "thunder  peals  through  the  clouds. "^02  ^uhn  has 
shown  the  close  relation  between  heavenly  and  earthly  fire,^^  and  has 
called  attention  to  the  red  legs  of  the  stork,  another  fire  and  lightning 
bird,  and  to  similar  characteristics  of  other  creatures  connected  with 
£ie}^  Thus,  if  the  nest  of  the  red-breasted  robin  is  disturbed,  a  storm 
breaks  upon  the  offender's  house.^^  The  nest  of  the  redstart  attracts 
lightning.105  Among  the  Germans  fire  is  called  "the  red  hen,"  and 
"I  will  set  a  red  hen  on  your  roof"  is  an  incendiary  threat.^^ 

Elsewhere  the  same  color  is  a  protection  against  fire  and  lightning. 
Frazer^o^  tells  us  of  an  English  belief:  "Certain  it  is  that  no  fire  will 
break  out  in  a  house  where  a  crossbill  is  kept  in  a  cage,  neither  will 
lightning  strike  the  dwelling;  and  this  inmaunity  can  only  be  ascribed 
to  the  protective  coloring  of  the  bird,  the  red  hue  of  its  plumage  serving  to 
ward  off  the  red  lightning  and  to  nip  a  red  conflagration  in  the  bud. " 

A  statement  in  a  recent  newspaper^*^^  illustrates  this  tendency  to 
connect  bright-hued,  flying  creatures  with  the  bright-red,  flying  objects 
of  destruction:  "The  coimtry  folk  call  the  scarlet  tanager  the  fire-bird. 
His  feathers  set  the  woods  on  fire. "  If  such  a  figure  of  speech  is  natural 
in  our  civilized  modem  life,  it  is  to  be  expected  that  primitive  peoples 
would  believe  in  the  reality  of  the  connection. 

»•«  Bloomfidd,  The  Symbolic  Gods  in  Studies  in  Honor  of  BasU  L.  Gildersleeve,  p.  42, 

»"  Bloomfidd,  Hymns  of  the  Atharva-Veda,  p.  7, 1,  12. 

>«  Grimm,  D.  M.  P,  147. 

*"  Kuhn,  op.  cU.y  especially  p.  17. 

»"  Kuhn,  op,  cii.y  94  f. 

»»  Grimm,  Z>.  M.  n<,  569. 

»«  Grimm,  D.  M.  IP,  558;  P,  500. 

»w  Frazer,  G.  B.,  The  Magic  Art  P,  82. 

»••  Editorial  m  The  Chicago  Evening  Post,  July  31,  1916. 


Kuhn  also  considers  the  reddish  bark  of  the  oak  significant,  and 
points  out  that  the  Romans  were  impressed  by  its  color  ;^<*^  for  this  he 
quotes  Paulus:  "Robum  rubro  colore  et  quasi  rufo  significari,  ut  bovem 
quoque  rustici  appellant,  manifestum  est.  Unde  et  materia,  quae 
plurimas  venas  eius  coloris  habet,  dicta  est  robur."^^°  That  this  tree 
was  held  sacred  to  the  supreme  deity  of  various  nations  and  that  its 
wood  was  especially  used  for  producing  fire  by  friction  is  well  known.^^^ 

The  same  scholar^^^  i^^s  collected  instances  in  which  a  red  cloth  repre- 
sents fire;  upon  this  a  woodpecker  or  other  fire-bringing  bird  drops  the 
magic  herb  (lightning)  in  order  to  restore  it  to  its  element.  He  also 
records  the  Roman  custom  of  covering  a  millstone  with  a  red  cloth  as 
a  charm  against  hail.^^ 

Ceremonial  trappings  and  garments  of  scarlet  were  used  by  the 
Persian  fire  worshipers.  Xenophon"*  describes  a  procession  in  the  time 
of  Cyrus  the  Elder;  following  the  white  chariots  of  the  Supreme  Deity 
and  the  Sun  came  a  third  chariot,  drawn  by  horses  covered  with  scarlet 
cloths;  behind  this  came  the  holy  fire,  carried  on  a  great  altar.  Cur- 
tius^^  gives  an  account  of  a  similar  procession  which  took  place  two  cen- 
turies later.  This  time,  the  eternal  fire  was  followed  by  365  youths 
wearing  scarlet  cloaks. 

In  China  one  of  the  oldest,  best-known  and  most  popular  deities 
is  the  "Kuchengott''  or  "HerdfUrst."  "Er  ist  in  helles  Rot  gekleidet, 
welches  dem  Feuer  gleicht  .  .  .  Daraus  geht  hervor  dass  die  alten 
chmesischen  KUchengotter  mit  den  Geistem  des  Feuers  identisch  sind.'* 
To  represent  this  divinity  many  families  use  only  paper  with  red  or  yellow 
stripes.^" 

To  return  to  Rome.  Under  Etruscan  influence  the  manubiae  of 
Jove  were  distinguished  from  those  of  other  gods  by  being  "rubrae  et 

"•  Kuhn,  op.  cit.  44  ff.;  cf.  p.  170. 

""Paul.  264 M.,  325  L. 

"» See  Frazer,  G.  B.*  II,  372. 

»"  Kuhn,  op.  cit.  188-190. 

"'Palladius,  De  Re  Rust.  I,  35:  "Contra  grandinem  multa  dicuntur.  Panno 
nisseo  (variant  roseo)  mola  cooperitur. " 

"*Xen.  Cyr.  VIII,  3,  12:  Mtrd  bk  rovro  AXXo  rplrov  ip/Aa  k^yero,  <poi»ucUtl  ko- 
rairtTrafikvoi  ol  Ittoi,  koZ  xOp  6tut$€v  atrrov  hr'  icrx^pas  fxeySiKrii  HvSpes  elrovro  (pkpovrts. 

i»»Curt.  De  Gestis  Alex,  m,  7,  9f.:  "Ordo  autem  agminis  erat  talis.  Ignis 
quem  ipsi  sacrum  et  aetemum  vocabant,  argenteis  altaribus  praeferebatur.  Magi 
proximi  patrium  carmen  canebant  Magos  trecenti  et  sexaginta  quinque  iuvenes 
sequebantur,  punids  amiculis  vdati,  diebus  totius  anni  pares  numero." 

"•A.  Nagd,  Arch.  Rel.  XI,  1908,  23-24;  30.  In  Maeterlinck's  "Bluebird,"  the 
Spirit  of  Fire  is  garbed  in  red  and  yellow. 


14 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


SCARLET 


15 


sangnineae, "  and  Horace  could  speak  of  him  as  hurling  a  thunderbolt 
"rubente  dextera.""^  Ruber  (rubens)  is  a  general  term,"^  but  may  be 
used  of  a  brilliant  red,  as  is  indicated  by  such  expressions  as  "rubro 
cocco  tincta  .  .  .  vestis,""*  and  "rubentem,  in  cocco/^^^o    Sanguineus 

is  used  for  objects  whose  red  color  is  especially  beautiful  or  intense.^^^ 
Similar  epithets  were  applied  to  lightning  by  otlier  poets.  Ovid  writes: 
"Ecce  deum  genitor  rutilas  per  nubila  flammas  spargit,"^22  ^nd  again: 
"rutilo  missi  fulminis  igne  cremer."^^  Valerius  Flaccus  speaks  of 
rutili  -  fulminis  and  fulminis  rutilas  -  das, ^  Claudian  of  rubri- ful- 
minis alas}^  The  thunderbolts  of  Mars,  resembling  those  of  Jupiter, 
were  called  rutili  ignis}^  The  adjective  cremantia,  applied  to  them  by 
Phny,^^  refers  to  their  effect,  not  their  color.  It  may  be  noted  that 
though  Jupiter's  jewel  is  candida,^'^^  his  star  clarus,^'^^  and  his  shrub 
endowed  with  argenteo  folio,^^^  as  benefits  the  God  of  Day,  his  flower 
has  ruddy  tendrils^^^  and  is  called  ffamma  lovis. 

Elsewhere  we  find  scarlet  compared  with  fire  or  the  flaming  rays 
of  the  sun.  Lucan  ^^2  speaks  of  coverlets  that  are  "fiery  with  scarlet." 
Martianus  Capella  represents  Pallas  as  clad  in  garments  "flammarum 
instar  e  cocco,  "^^  and  the  Sun  as  wearing  a  scarlet  pallium  on  his 

"'Hor.  Od.  I,  2,  1-4,  and  Pseud.  Aero.  Thulin,  op.  cH.,  I,  51,  n.  1,  compares 
Pindar,  01.  IX,  6,  Ala  rk  tpoiPiKoonp&jrav. 

"•Blumner,  Archiv,  VI,  1889,  400. 

"»Hor.  5a/.  II,  6,  102  f. 

"0  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXI,  45. 

"» Bliimner,  op.  cit.  401. 

"»0v.  Fast.  Ill,  285;  cf.  Cell.  II,  26,  9;  "Nam  'poeniceus,'  quem  tu  Graece 
f^twica  dixisti,  noster  est  et  'rutilus'  et  'spadix,'  poenicei  <twuvvixo%,  .  .  .  exuberan- 
tiam  splendoremque  significant  niboris,"  and  see  Blunmer,  op.  cit.,  415. 

»23  Ov.  Her.  Ill,  64. 

^  Val.  Flac.  VII,  647;  VI,  56.  Rutilus  indicates  a  gleaming,  fiery  red;  cf .  BlUmncr, 
op.  cU.  400,  415. 

^  Claudian,  Rapt.  Proserp.  II,  229. 

"^  Serv.  Aen.  VIII,  429. 

"'  Pliny,  N.  H.  II,  139. 

"« Pliny,  N.  H.  XXXVII,  170. 

«» Pliny,  N.  H.  II,  79. 

"°  PUny,  N.  H.  XVI,  76. 

"1  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXVII,  44;  "Ampelos  agria  vocatur  herba  .  .  .  viticulis  longis, 
callosis,  rubentibus,  qualiter  flos  quem  lovis  flanmiam  appellemus. "  cf.  XXI,  59,  67. 

"^ Lucan  X,  125:    "Pars  auro  plumata  nitet,  pars  ignea  cocco." 

"»Mart.  Capell.  I,  7;  cf.  I,  40:  "peplo  quod  rutilum  circum  caput  gestabat." 
Pallas  is  believed  to  be  a  lightning-goddess,  as  Minerva  was  among  the  Etruscans; 
cf.  Kuhn,  op.  cit.  17,29;  Roscher,  Lex.  I-l,  675  ff.;  cf.  Jacobstahl,  Der  Blitz,  16,  20; 
cf.  also  Mart.  Capell.  I,  14:  "rubroque  igne  rutilantes,"  and  "flammis  coruscantibus 
lutilans. " 


flaming  body.***  The  Sun's  statue  is  described  in  an  Orphic  poem 
quoted  by  Macrobius  as  arrayed  in  a  scarlet  robe  resembling  flaming 
rays,  like  fire.^^  Helios-Mithras  wears  a  similar  mantle,  and  has  a 
fiery  crown  upon  his  fire-like  locks.^^  It  is  evident  that  bright  red — 
that  is,  scarlet — was  considered  appropriate  for  earthly  and  heavenly  fire. 
Naturally,  then,  the  lightning-bringer  with  scarlet  plumage  was  the  prin- 
cipal bird  of  augury,  and  scarlet  was  one  of  the  colors  on  the  augur's 
trabea.  If  it  is  permissible  to  extend  Wissowa's  suggestion  that  this 
cloak  was  worn  only  in  performing  certain  official  duties,^^^  we  may 
think  of  the  augurs  as  assuming  it  when  they  watched  the  sky  for  signs 
given  by  lightning  or  the  prophetic  birds. 

Without  entering  into  the  vexed  question  as  to  whether  the  trabea 
was  originally  a  war-cloak,  a  garb  of  honor  in  both  peace  and  war,  or 
a  religious  dress,^^*  attention  may  be  called  to  the  fact  that  religion  was 
not  divorced  from  war.  The  opening  of  the  temple  of  Janus  and  the 
throwing  of  the  spear  by  the  fetialis  had  both  a  religious  and  a  military 
significance,  while  the  auspices  must  be  taken  before  war  could  be 
entered  upon.^^®  During  battle  the  gods  might  be  appealed  to  for  aid,"'* 
while  after  victory  trophies  were  erected  to  Mars,^*^  and  the  triumphing 
general  paid  his  vows  to  Jupiter.  It  would  not  be  strange,  therefore, 
to  find  the  invincible  weapons  of  their  Sky-god,  thunder  and  lightning, 
symbolized  in  the  equipment  of  the  soldiers.    The  interpretation  of 

"*Mart.  Capell.  I,  76;  cf.  I,  29:  "pallio  rutilante.  ...  Sol  repente  clarus 
emicuit,"  and  I,  13:  "Solis  augustum  caput  radiis  perfusum  circumactumque  flam- 
mantibus  velut  auratam  caesariem  rutili  verticis  imitatur." 

"' Macrob.  Sat.  I,  18,  22:  rpwra  fikp  oIp  (pXoykais  ipaXiyKiov  iLKrlpeaffip  \  irkirKov 
^ipUeop  irvpl  ebceKop  &.fi<pifia\k<rdai. 

"•  Dieterich,  Mithrasliturgie,  p.  10:  ^et  de6p  peorrepop  ebet^fj  irvpip&rpixo-  ^v  xtrww 
XcVK^  «ca2  x^OM^t  mool'.pxi,  txopra  xbptvop  <rrk<paPOP  •  .  .  "HXic  b  Kijpios  rod  obpapov  koI 
Tfis  yfji,  0€(  Beup ;  f.  pp.  67-68.  The  idea  of  Apollo  and  the  Sun-god  may  have  been 
present  to  Valerius  Flaccus  (I,  384  f.)  when  he  described  the  priest  Mopsus:  "pxmiceo 
cui  circum  fusa  cothumo  |  palla  imos  ferit  alba  pedes,"  but  it  is  not  safe  to  lay  stress 
upon  such  a  passage  in  poetry  of  that  period  and  type. 

"'Pauly-Wiss.  II,  2322. 

"•For  the  different  views  see  Momm.  Staatsr.  I»,  429  f.,  Helbig,  HermesXXXlK., 
1904,  1 61-181;  Samter.  Phil.  N.  F.  X,  1897,  394-398. 
M  *"  Cic.  De  Leg.  II,  21;  De.  Div.  II,  76;  cf.  N.D.  II,  7-9. 

***  Romulus'  appeal  to  Jupiter  (Livy  I,  12);  the  devotio  of  the  Decii  (Livy  VIII, 
9;  X,  28). 
•J  "*  The  spolia  opima  were  dedicated  to  Juppiter  Feretius,  Mars,  and  Quirinus,  the 

usual  trophies  to  Mars;  cf.  Cook,  CI.  R.  XVIII,  1904,  364,  368,  372  f.;  Folk  Lore 
XVI.  1905,  320. 


li 


16 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


the  spear  as  lightning  hurled  against  the  enemy^*^  is  very  probable. 
Jacobstahl  notes  many  instances  of  the  lightning-symbol  engraved  on 
shields;  of  the  same  symbol  on  Italian  vases  he  remarks:  "Einst  wohl 
apotropaeisch  auf  irgendein  Waffenstlicke  aufgeklebt. '^^^^  The  same 
emblem  was  often  stamped  on  sling-stones.^**  A.  B.  Cook  reminds  us 
that  the  standard  of  the  legion  (the  eagle  on  a  staff)  was  worshiped 
by  the  soldiery  "because  it  symbolized  Jupiter,"  and  adds:  "The 
thunderbolt  on  the  shields  of  the  legionaries  and  on  the  lead  bullets 
of  the  sUngers  was  likewise  a  token  that  the  whole  fighting  force  was 
under  the  command  and  protection  of  Jupiter."**^  Surely  the  scarlet 
stripes  on  the  trabea  of  knights  and  Salii  had  a  similar  meaning.  Why 
the  two  cloaks  differed  in  other  respects  (that  of  the  knights  had  a  pur- 
ple ground,  that  of  the  Salii  a  white  ground  and  a  purple  border)  is 
uncertain,  but  we  may  conjecture  that  since  the  nucleus  of  the  army 
was  originally  composed  of  patrician  infantry,^*®  the  cloak  worn  was 
that  later  sacred  to  the  Salii,  and  that  the  cavalry,  when  formed,^** 
was  given  the  same  mantle  with  the  colors  differently  arranged.  These 
red  cloaks  may  account  for  Varro's  russae  alae^^'^  and  for  Isidorus^  attempt 
to  make  russatus  equivalent  to  coccineus}^^  K,  as  seems  probable,  the 
paludamerUum  was  the  descendant  and  successor  of  the  trabedj^^^  it  is 

i«  Kuhn,  op.  cit.  199  f. 

***  Jacobstahl,  op.  cit.;  cf.  index  under  Blitz  and  footnote  to  p.  38.  Were  shields 
considered  a  variety  of  thunderstone?  Pliny  {N.  H.  XXXVII,  135),  following  Sotacus, 
says  that  black,  round  baetuli  were  sacred:  "urbes  per  iUas  expugnari  et  classes." 
The  ancile,  which  was  the  early  warrior-shield  (Helbig,  Sur  les  attributes  ^  p.  59.),  fdl 
from  heaven.  It  "recalls  the  sky-fallen  baetylic  stone"  (Evans,  /.  H.  S.  XXI,  1901, 
180).  In  its  model,  the  Mycenaean  shield,  Evans  sees  a  special  attribute  of  the  Cretan 
warrior  god  who  is  perhaps  to  be  identified  with  the  later  Cretan  Zeus  (Evans,  op.  cU, 
122-30;  179-181). 

**•  Blinkenberg,  The  Thunder-Weapon  in  Religion  and  Polk-Lore^  p.  38,  n.  1; 
Pauly-Wiss.  H,  317. 

»«  A.  B.  Cook,  Folk-Lore  XVI,  1905,  319. 

**•  Helbig,  Sur  les  attribulSy  p.  61  (where  see  references);  p.  71. 

M^Varro,  Sai.  Menipp.,  p.  137,  1.  2,  Riese:  "Tela  dextra  vibrant  russlaeque) 
alae  micant. " 

»*«Isid.  Orig.  XIX,  22,  10:  "Russata,  quam  Graed  phoeniceam  vocant,  nos 
cocdnam,  repertam  a  Lacedaemoniis  ad  celandum  colons  similitudine  sanguinem 
quotiens  quis  in  ade  vulneraretur,  ne  contemplanti  adversario  animus  augesceret 
Hanc  sub  consulibus  Romani  usi  sunt  milites;  unde  etiam  nissati  vocanbantur. " 
Cf.  Com.  Cruq.  on  Hor.  Epod.  DC,  27:  "Romani  enim  milites  in  bdlum  euntes  coc- 
dneis  sagis  utebantur,  ut  ne  quis  vulneratus,  cruoreque  suo  respersus,  terrorem  incute- 
ret  sociis,  nam  cocdneus  color  cruori  similis  est."  The  rationalistic  explanations  of 
both  writers  are  of  course  the  efforts  of  late  periods. 

"•  Momm.  Staaisf,  P,  431. 


SCARLET 


17 


easy  to  account  for  the  fact  that,  though  usually  scarlet,  it  might  be 
purpureus  or  white.  The  original  reason  for  the  choice  of  colors  was 
by  that  time  quite  forgotten,  but  Roman  conservatism  forbade  that 
they  be  disregarded. 

It  would  seem  fitting,  if  scarlet  represents  lightning,  for  the  war- 
riors' crests  to  be  of  that  hue,  but  of  this  we  cannot  be  certain,  as  the 
adjective  most  commonly  applied  to  them  is  ruber '^^  once  purpureus^^ 
is  used,  but  the  context  here  implies  brightness  and  consequently  a 
figurative  use  of  the  term.  Rutilus^^^  and  sanguineus^  point  to  a  bril- 
liant red,  as  does  the  flame  streaming  from  Aeneas'  crest.^^  There  is, 
therefore,  nothing  to  prove  that  scarlet  was  not  the  color  employed. 

If  Cook's  theory  that  Mars,  Quirmus,  and  Jupiter  were  originally 
different  forms  of  the  same  god^"  is  correct,  the  symbolic  use  of  lightning 
as  both  defensive  and  offensive  in  war  is  most  natural,  and  scarlet  very 
properly  finds  its  place  in  their  worship.  Cook's  arguments,  briefly 
stated,  are:  that  the  Salii  were  "in  tutela  lovis,  Martis,  Quirini";i" 
that  spolia  opima  were  dedicated  to  Juppiter  Feretrius,  Mars,  and 
Quirinus;  that  the  first  treaty  with  Carthage  was  made  in  the  name  of 
Juppiter  Lapis,  the  last  in  the  name  of  Mars  and  Quirinus;  that  the 
devotio  formula  named  the  three  jointly;  that  the  oak  was  sacred  to 
Jupiter  and  Mars,  both  of  whom  were  called  Quirinus  and  Loucetius; 
that  all  three  were  symbolized  by  a  staff  or  spear  and  were  called  pcUer; 
that  the  gods  recogdzed  by  Romulus  were  Janus,  Jupiter,  Mars,  Picus, 
Faunus,  etc. ;  but  by  Numa  Janus,  Jupiter,  Mars,  Quirinus,  Vesta,  and 
that  all  these  were  connected  with  the  oak-cult  at  Rome;  that  kmgs  and 
emperors  were  connected  with  Jupiter,  Mars,  or  Quirinus;  that  Picus 
Martius  was  regularly  associated  with  the  oak  and  was  connected  with 
Jupiter  in  the  Numa  legend. 

To  these  points  it  may  be  permitted  to  add  that  Picus  Martius  was 
identified  with  the  Cretan  Zeus  and  observed  by  the  augurs,  who  were 

»o  Aen.  DC,  50,  270,  XII,  89;  SU.  It.  XVII,  279,  393. 

«» Aen.  IX,  163:  "purpurei  cristis  iuvenes  auroque  corusd." 

^  Claud.  Panegyr.  de  Quart.  Cons.  Hon.  524;  Carm.  Min.  29,  50;  d.  Cell.  H,  26, 9. 

w  Aen.  IX,  732  f. 

^Aen.  X,  270  ff.:  "Ardet  apex  capiti,  cristisque  a  vertice  flamma  |  funditur  et 
vastos  umbo  vomit  aureus  ignis;  |  non  secus  ac  liquida  siquando  nocte  cometae  |  san- 
guinei  lugubre  rubent  aut  Sirius  ardor. " 

«  A.  B.  Cook,  CI.  R.  XVIII,  1904,  372  ff.;  Folk-Lore  XVI,  1905, 320  f.;  d.  CI.  R. 
I.  c,  p.  374:  "Mars  as  a  specialized  form  of  Jupiter  had  probably  arisen  before  the 
Italians  entered  Italy. " 

»•  Serv.  Aen.  Vni,  663. 


i'ii     -*■■ 


I^U^   t^X*  /   ^•-»^ 


18 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


SCARLET 


19 


"interpretes  lovis  Optimi  Maximi";i"  that  the  Salii  and  the  three 
great  flamens  aU  wore  the  apex)  that  the  ancUe"^^  was  common  to  the 
Salii,  the  augurs  and  the  flamens  of  Jupiter  and  Mars;  that  a  trabea 
with  scarlet  and  purple  colors  was  worn  by  the  Salii,  the  equites 
during  their  transvectio  from  Mars'  temple,  the  augurs,  and  perhaps  the 
flamens  of  Jupiter  and  Mars;i59  ^^at  the  lituus,  or  augural  wand,  of 
Romulus  was  kept  in  the  curia  Sahorum  on  the  Palatine.^^o 

Wissowai«i  recognizes  this  union  of  the  three  deities;  that  of  Mars 
and  Quirinus  is  acknowledged  by  all.  Creuzer^e^  had  already  noticed 
that  Picus  connects  Mars  with  Jupiter.  Evans^^  believes  that  the 
ancile  and  possibly  Picus  help  to  identify  Mars  with  "  the  warrior  Sun- 
god  of  prehistoric  Greece, "  who  is  perhaps  the  Cretan  Zeus.  Preller  i«* 
Wissowa,i«^  and  Carter,^««  identify  Picus  with  Mars.  Roscher^^^  thiiis 
the  woodpecker's  sacred  character  and  his  relation  to  the  God  of  Growth 
rests  upon  his  prophetic  abihty,  since  by  his  cry  he  foreteUs  rain  to  the 
anxious  farmer;  but  if  Mars  and  Jupiter  are  one,  the  lightning-bird 
belongs  rightly  to  them  both.  In  the  same  article  Roscher  calls  atten- 
tions to  the  traces  of  a  Capitoline  Mars-cult.^^^ 

If  originally,  so  early  that  the  Romans  had  lost  aU  knowledge  of  it 
by  historical  times,  Ughtning  was  associated  with  Mars  as  well  as  with 
Jupiter,  we  would  expect  to  find  some  trace  of  it  in  the  equipment  of 
their  flamens.  This  would  accord  with  our  interpretation  of  Servius' 
remark  that  the  trabea  was  a  common  possession  of  these  priests  and  of 
the  augurs.i«»    Of  course,  this  hypothesis  is  uncertam,  and  is  not  neces- 

»'Cic.Z)c  2:^^.11,20. 

»» It  is  often  shown  on  coins  as  affixed  to  trophies.  This  requires  a  more  com- 
plete explanaUon  than  that  given  by  Helbig,  Sur  les  attributs,  pp.  20  f. 

»» A  purple  and  white  trabea  was  worn  by  the  kings,  the  "human  Tupiters  " 
There  is  some  doubt  as  to  the  color  of  that  worn  by  the  flamens 

w»  Cic.  De  Div.  I,  30. 

"» Wissowa,  R.  K*,  p.  122. 

"*  Creuzer,  Symbolik  IV,  p.  368. 

"» Evans,  op.  ciL  espedaUy  p.  130  and  n.  1. 

c  '^f'f^'']'''^''^  ^^^'  ^y/A.  I,  379;  "Demioch  ist  Picus,  da  er  wesentlich  nur 
Symbol  des  Mars  war,  niemals  eigentlicher  und  selbstandiger  Cultusgott  gewesen:" 
CI.  p.  377. 

»«  Wissowa  in  Roscher,  Lex.  I,  2,  1454. 

"•  Carter  in  Roscher,  Lex.  Ill,  2,  2495;  with  the  reference  Dion.  Hal.  1, 31.  may  be 
compared  Appian,  Rom.  Hist.  I,  1,  *oDiw  6  rod  'Apewt. 
"'  Roscher,  Lex.  II,  2,  2431. 
"•  Roscher,  op.  cU.,  2392  f. 

I  ^^^r!:  ^^'  ^^'  ^^*  "Ancfle  et  trabea  communia  sunt  [auguri]  cum  Diali 
vd  Martiah  sacerdote";  VII,  612:  "Suetonius  .  .  .  didt  tria  genera  esse  trabeanun: 
.  .  .  tertium  augurale  de  purpura  et  cocco. " 


sary  for  the  rest  of  our  argument,  but  at  least  Helbig  is  mistaken  in  saying 
that  there  is  no  hint  that  the  trabea  of  the  flamens  had  a  different  color 
than  the  toga  praetexta.^"^^  Samter  has  some  ground  for  considering 
that  it  was  entirely  purple,"^  though  the  Suetonius  reference^^^  jg  more 
convincing  than  his  argument  from  the  dress  of  the  Flaminica. 

To  decide  that  the  twisted  fillets  of  the  Vestals  were  probably  scarlet 
and  white  is  not  difficult.  Aside  from  the  statement  of  Servius  already 
quoted,"^  the  religious  dress  of  a  priestess  of  fire  would  naturally  contain 
some  red,  and  that,  as  has  been  shown,  of  a  brillianti74  ^ue.  If  the 
maintenance  of  Vesta's  fire  indeed  symbolized  the  maintenance  of  the 
sun's  forces,"^  it  is  aU  the  more  probable  that  the  red  marble  used  so  freely 
in  the  Atrium  Vestae^"^^  was  connected  with  that  idea.  To  reproduce 
scarlet  in  such  material  is  hnpossible. 

The  fillets  of  Bona  Dea  are  less  easily  accounted  for,  since  so  little 
is  known  of  her  character  or  ritual.  Yet  we  are  told  on  the  authority 
of  Varro  that  she  was  the  same  as  Fauna,"^  the  sister,  wife,  or  daughter 
of  Faunus.  Now,  Faunus,  the  son  of  Picus  (or  of  Mars),  dwelt  in  groves, 
often  of  oak,"8  and  it  was  in  a  grove  that  the  rites  of  Bona  Dea  were 
celebrated."^  It  is,  therefore,  not  unlikely  that  they  were  connected 
with  the  lightning,  and  that  the  scarlet  fillets  showed  consecration  to 
the  deity,  or,  by  representing  the  flash,  warded  off  the  thunderbolt, 
on  the  principle  that  "lightning  never  strikes  twice  in  the  same  place. "^^o 
There  seems  to  be  no  trace  in  Latin  literature  of  a  prayer  uttered 
to  avert  Ughtning  from  the  crops,  such  as  is  found  in  India,^^!  though 

"°  Hdbig,  Hermes  XXXIX,  1904,  178. 
»"  Samter,  Phil.  N.  F.  X,  1897,  394,  n.  3. 

"*  Serv.  Aen.  VII,  612:  ".  .  .  unum  dis  sacratum  quod  est  tantum  de  purpura. 
»'»Serv   Aen.  X,'538:  "infula  .  .  .  plerumque  tortUis  de  albo  et  cocco." 
"«The  purple  used  in  her  service,  as  in  that  of  every  deity,  wUl  be  accounted 
for  in  another  chapter. 

^^  A.  B.  Cook,  a.  R.  XVIII,  1904,  366. 

"•  Jordan,  Der  Tempd  der  Vesta,  p.  38. 

»"  Lactant.  I,  22,  9-11;  Amob.  I,  36;  d.  Fowler,  Rom.  Fest.  103  flf.  and  references; 

Peter  in  Roscher,  Lex.  I,  2,  1453  f. 

"•  Ov.  Fast.  Ill,  295  fif.;  Aen.  VIII,  314  f. 

"•  Prop.  IV,  9,  24  fit.  _    .,      ^_    . 

tM  Blmkenberg,  op.  cU.  68  ff.,  has  coUected  numerous  mstances  of  an^^r  u^  ^ 
thunderstones.    Cf.  the  red  doth  placed  over  a  miUstone  to  ward  ofiE  hail  (PaUadius, 

'''''-bTJ;^  Hymns  of  the  Atharva^Veda,  p.  142,  VII,  11:  ">^th  thy  broad 
thunder,  with  the  beacon,  devated  by  the  gods  that  pervade  this  all,  with  the  hghtmng 
do  not  thou  destroy  our  grain,  O  god;  nor  do  thou  destroy  it  with  the  rays  of  the  sun. 


N 


20 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


it  is  a  temptation  to  wonder  if  that  thought  was  included  in  the  "deso- 
lation, ruin,  damage"  which  the  farmer  entreated  Mars  to  keep  from 
him^82  at  the  time  when  the  crops  were  "in  greatest  peril  from  storms 
and  diseases.  "^^ 

If  we  knew  more  about  the  worship  of  the  Italian  Saturn,  light 
might  be  thrown  on  the  question  just  suggested,  but  it  is  impossible 
even  to  tell  whether  the  scarlet  cloak  of  his  devotee  was  of  native  origin 
or  a  Greek  importation.  Still,  the  legend  that  he  was  the  first  king, 
father  of  Picus,  is  to  be  remembered,  together  with  the  fact  that  recent 
investigations  point  to  a  primitive  monotheism  preceding  polytheistic 
ideas  in  all  nations.^®* 

Of  Vulcan,  again,  we  know  little,  but  we  would  expect  scarlet  to  be 
present  in  his  cult.  It  will  be  recalled  that  a  red  calf  was  sacrificed 
to  him.  i»  In  this  connection  we  may  note  that  at  Iguvium  red  or  black 
animals  were  sacrificed  to  Mars  and  to  "Praestita  Cerfia  Cerfi  Martii.  "^w 

The  use  of  scarlet  in  medicine  as  already  described  is  now  readily 
explained.  Any  great  power  is  able  to  do  harm  or  good,  and  its  symbol 
may  be  used  to  avert  trouble  or  drive  out  evil  spuits.  BUnkenberg 
records  many  instances  of  thunderstones  used  as  amulets  and  for  cures.^*^ 
Scarlet,  also  representing  Ughtning,  would  perform  a  similar  service. 
This  use,  as  was  said  before,  is  to  be  carefully  distinguished  from  "sym- 
pathetic magic,"  and  from  the  employment  of  other  shades  of  red. 

1"  Cato,  R.  R.  141. 
»"  W.  Warde  Fowler,  op.  cii.  126. 
^•*  W.  Warde  Fowler,  Roman  Ideas  of  Deity,  pp.  30  flf. 
>»  C.  /.  L,  VI,  826. 

»••  Buechder,  Umbrka,  pp.  3,  23,  105-107.    Did  this  custom  influence  the  story 
of  Dedus  Mus  sacrificing  red  oxen  to  Mars  (Pliny,  N.  H.  XXII,  9)? 

»'  Blinkenberg,  op.  cit.,  pp.  74,  75,  82,  89,  90,  97,  99,  101,'  107,  108. 


CHAPTER  II 

Purple 

With  the  exception  of  white,  purpureus  was  the  color  most  commonly 
used  in  Roman  religion.  It  appeared  in  the  worship  of  ev^ldeitj  whose 
identity  and  rites  are  known  to  us,^  and  in  many  relations  which  at  first 
sight  seem  devoid  of  religious  significance.  Yet  in  spite  of  this  wide- 
spread use—perhaps  even  because  of  it— it  is  exceedingly  difficult,  if 
not  hnpossible,  to  determine  the  religious  significance  which  purple  held 
for  the  Romans.  This  chapter  can  claim  only  to  pave  the  way  for 
further  study  by  showmg  how  extensively  it  was  employed,  and  by 
discussing  the  various  theories  about  its  meaning. 

Purple  formed  the  border  of  the  W^Vssuffibulum^  and  of  the  toga 
praetexta  which  was  worn'  Ty  free-born  children,^  by  the  kings,  by  all 
th?  curule  magistrates,  and  by  some  officials  of  lower  rank  when  pre- 
sidmg  at  games,^  by  the  pontifices  (including  the  flamens),  augurs, 
epulones,  quindecimviri*  and  the  Arval  Brothers,^  and,  according  to 
a  statement  made  by  Paulus,  by  women  when  offering  a  certain  sacrifice. 
A  purple  stripe  was  the  distinguishing  feature  of  the  tunics  worn  by 
knights  and  senators,*  and  was  woven  into  the  rkinium  used  by  the 
magister  of  the  Arval  Brothers,^  the  high-bom  lads  {camUli'')  attendant 
upon  them  and  other  priests,  and  by  mourning  women.^^    Purple  was  a 

^E  g    Juno  Livy  XXVII,  37,  13-15:  "virginum ordinem sequebantur decemviri 
coronati  laurea  praetextatique  .  .  .  Inde  .  .  .  aedem  lunonis  Reginae  perrectum. 
Cf.Serv.  Aen.  VHI,  652;  Tib.  IV,  6,  13;  Varro,  L.  L.,  Goetz-SchoeU  p  65   2  ff. 

« Fest  348  M.,  474  L.:  Paul.  349  M.,  475  L;  cf.  Ambros.  Eptst.  I,  18,  11. 

» Livy  XXIV,  7,  2-3;  cf .  Momm.  Staatsv.  P,  418  f. ;  391,  n.  5;  422  f. ;  Marquardt, 

PrivaUeben  I,*  43. 

*  Livy,  /.  c. ;  cf .  Marquardt,  PrivaUeben  II«,  545. 

•  Momm.  Staatsv.  P,  421  f ;  Ara  Pacis  in  Mrs.  Strong's  Roman  Sculpture,  p.  47, 

^^  •Acta  Fr.  Arv.,  Henzen,  pp.  CCIII-IV;  Momm.  /.  c.  A  very  dear  statement  of  the 
uses  of  the  toga  praetexta  is  given  by  W.  Warde  Fowler  in  his  note  On  the  Toga  Prae- 
texta of  Roman  Children,  CI.  R.,  X,  1896,  p.  317. 

» Paul.  155  M.,  143  L. :  " Mutini  Titini  saceUum  Romae  fmt.   Cm  mulieres  vdatae 
togis  praetextatis  solebant  sacrificare. " 

•  Pliny,  N.  H.  DC,  127 ;  XXXUI,  29. 

•  Fest  274  M.,  342  L.;  Acta  Fr.  Arv.,  Henzen  p.  LXXIV.  „  .    ,,  . 
to^cto  Fr.  Arv.,  Henzen  p.  CXXVIH;  Paul.  93  M.,  82  L.;  Marquardt,  PrtvoMm 

^*  "  Cic  De  Leg.  H,  59;  Varro  in  Non.  542:  "Mulieres  m  adversis  rebus  ac  luctibus, 
cum  omnem  vestitum  deUcatiorem  ac  luxuriosum  postea  institutmn  ponmit,  ncmia 
sumunt" 


22 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


prominent  color  on  the  trabeae  of  kings  and  consuls,   knights,   Salii, 

augurs,  the  flamens  of  Jupiter  and  IVfarsf  the  trabea  "consecrated  to  the 

gods"  was  wholly  of  purple.^^    j^  ^^d  its  place  on  the  heavy  laena  of 

the  flamens,  whether  that  garment  was  a  purple  cloak  or  a  special  kind 

oi  toga  praetextaP  It  was  lavishly  used  in  the  costume  of  the  Flaminica 

Didis,  who  wore  a  purple  pdliutny  rica,  and  tutulusM    A  broad  purple 

stripe  characterized  the  devotee  of  Saturn.^^    A  wavy  Une  of  purple 

bordered  the  limus  worn  by  hctors,  servi  publici,  and  priests'  assis- 

tants.16    The  fillets  worn  by  women  may  have  been  of  purple,i^  while 

certain  others  were  of  purple  and  white.^s    The  general  on  his  day  of 

triumph  and  the  city  praetor  at  the  ludi  Apollinares  wore  the  costume 

of  Jove  himself— a  toga  purpurea  (toga  picta)  and  a  tunica  palmata  whose 

groundwork  was  purple.^^    Caesar  was  granted  the  right  to  wear  the 

toga  purpurea  perpetually  ;2o  this  garment,  believed  to  have  been  worn 

by  the  kings,2i  was  used  by  the  emperor   for  certain   festal    occa- 

sions,22  and,  under  the  empire,  by  the  consul  at  his  inauguration  and 

when  he  presided  at  games.^s    The  vexUla^  and  the  pdudamentum^ 

were  often  purple.    As  the  head  of  the  army,  the  emperor  had  the  sole 

«Serv.  Jew.  VII,  612. 

TTT.  \^}^'f'''^'  ^^'  ^^'  ^^'^'  ^'^'  ^^'  2^2;  Livy  XXVn,  8,  8;  Marquardt,  Staatsv. 
in»,  330;  Samter  in  Pauly-Wissowa  VI,  2487. 

354  M^^3'69'^'^'  ^^'  ^^^'  ^^*  ^'  ^^'  ^^''  ^^'^'  ^^^'  ^^^  ^"  ^^'  ^  ^'''  ^^"^^  ^^^' 

"Tertull.  De  PaUio  4:  "cum  latioris  purpurae  ambitio  .  .  .  Satumum  com- 
mendat. " 

^J',^;.^^  I'  ^'  ^-  '•  ^-  ^'  '-  ^^'  ^'^-  '*'«•  ™'  120;  Isid.  Orig.  XV,  14,  2; 
AlA,  22,  20;  33,  4. 

"Ciris  (510  f.)  and  Statius  (Achill.  I,  611)  represent  Greek  women  as  wearing 
purple  fiUets.    Perhaps  the  poets  are  here  introducing  a  Roman  custom,  yet  in  that 
case  It  may  be  one  which  had  arisen  in  late  times,  after  purple  became  a  fashionable 
color  which  women  demanded  the  right  to  wear  (Livy  XXXIV,  1-7)-  cf   Samter 
Familienfeste,  p.  40,  n.  3.  »     •  i 

"See  Chap.  I,  n.  19. 

IT   /o^'^V^^o^-  ^^'  ^^^  ^^^'  ^'  ^  ^^^  ^^'  ^^^^^  11»  12;  Suet.  Nero,  25; 
Fest.^09  M.,  228  L.;  Dion.  Hal.  Ill,  62;  MiiUer,  Die  Etrusker  I,  347,  n.  64;  Momm. 

»  /°T?';nf '  ^''-  ^'  ^^^'  "'  ^^'  ^^""^^  ^'  ^'  ^'  l^J  Cass.  Dio  XLIV  4, 1;  Appian, 
B.  C.  II,  106;  Val.  Max.  1,  6,  13.  ^^^ 

T>     ''^r^  ^f;  ^  ^^'  ^^'  ^'  ^*'  ^^^-  ^^^  ^^V'  6'  IJ  11'  2;  Zonaras  VII.  8; 
Frop.  rv,  4,  53  f.    But  see  Momm.  Staalsr.  I,»  410  f. 

^  Monmi.  op.  cU.  416  f. ;  439. 

*»  Momm.  op.  cit.  414  ff. 

*•  Qaud.  In  Rufin.  II,  177;  Capitol.  Gord.  VIH,  3. 

*  See  p.  5.,  n.  38. 


PURPLE 


23 


right  to  wear  the  pdudamentum;  moreover,  he  alone  had  the  life-long 
right  to  use  the  triumphal  insignia.    From  these  privileges,  apparently, 
came  the  final  adoption  of  "imperial  purple"  by  Roman  monarchs.^e 
Like  other  colors,  purpureus  was  used  in  medicioe,  though  seemingly 
less  often  than  scadet.     Sometimes  the  darker  shades  were  insisted 
upon.    Thus  a  hair-tonic  includes  among  its  mgredients  a  small  amount  of 
purple  wool— "optime  in  conchylio  tinctae."^^    A  cure  for  the  stom- 
ach-ache consists  of  wet  poultices  made  of  wool;  if  they  are  ineffective, 
similar  ones  are  to  be  made  of  the  twice-dyed  purple;  after  these  are 
removed,  the  patient's  body  is  to  be  covered  with  a  dry  purple  cloth.^s 
Again,  three  mulberry  buds  gathered  with  due  solemnity  are  to  be 
dipped  in  Galatian  scarlet,  strung  on  a  scarlet  thread,  and  fastened  to 
a  deep  purple  cloth;  this  amulet  is  to  be  bound  to  the  patient's  body 
while  a  charm  to  drive  away  the  disease  is  recited.^^ 

The  shade  of  purpureus  used  at  Rome  changed  rapidly  in  the  last 

century  of  the  republic  as  the  deeper  and  more  expensive  hues  b^ecame 

knowii.    PUny  quotes  Cornelius  Nepos  as  saying  that  in  his  youth  violet- 

piirple  was  a  favorite,  but  was  soon  succeeded  by  Tarentine  red;  this 

in  turn  gave  way  to  the  Tyrian  purple,  or  dark  blood-red,  which  P. 

Lentulus  Spinther  (curule  aedile  in  63  B.  C.)  was  the  first  to  use  on  the 

praetexta.^"^    This  dibapha  is  no  doubt  the  shade  represented  by  the 

combination  of  Cyprian  copper  and  lead  which  Pliny  says  was  used  for 

the  praetexta  on  statues.^^    It  seems  to  be  reproduced  on  a  bronze  statue 

(perhaps  a  camillus)  in  the  Palazzo  Dei  Conservatori  at  Rome.    Mrs. 

Strong,  describing  the  statue,^^  quotes  from  Amelung-Holtzinger   as 

follows:  "The  dress  was  a  white  tunic  with  two  narrow  perpendicular 

stripes  of  purple,  which  are  here  inlaid  with  copper. "    It  is  probable 

«Momm.  op.  cit.  433,  440;  Marquardt,  PrivaUeben  IP,  515;  Claud.  In  Rufin. 
n,  346;  Peter,  Hist.  Rom.  Frag.  p.  344, 1.  26;  p.  345, 11.  13  ff. 

"  Marcell.  VI  30. 

"Cassius  Felix  XLII,  98,  Rose  .  .  .  "dibafos  purpureos  diligenter  consutos 
sunUiter  fades";  p.  99:  "et  postquam  foveris  diligenter  deterges  et  purpura  sicca 

operies  et  fasciabis. "  •      u      •  • 

^^Marcellus  XXXI,  33:  .  .  .  "mittesque  in  coccum  Galaticum  et  m  phoemao 

lino  conchyliatae  purpurae  conligabis."    For  other  instances  of  purpureus  used  as  a 

curaUve  see  Marcellus  VIII,  89;  IX,  17  and  115.    The  use  of  purpureus  m  connection 

with  fimeral  rites  will  be  described  later.  •         q^ 

»o  PUny,  N.  H.  IX,  135  ff.    Lentulus  was  severely  blamed  for  this  innovation,    bee 

also  Cic.  ad  AU.  II,  9, 2.  ,  ^^ 

« Pliny,  N.  H.  XXXIV,  98:  "Cyprio  si  addatur  plumbum,  colos  purpurae  nt 

in  statuarum  praetextis. " 

»  Mrs,  Strong,  Roman  Sculpture^  98. 


24 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


that  the  same  shade  was  represented  on  the  red  mantle  of  the  Prima 
Porta  Augustuses  and  on  the  dress  of  other  imperial  or  sacerdotal  figures,** 
though  time  and  weather  have  aflFected  the  remaining  traces  of  paint 
and  changed  the  hue. 

At  least  as  early  as  the  Second  Punic  War  purple  had  glased  to  have  a 
purely  religious  ^significance,  and  had  become  also  an  article  of  luxujy.'* 
By  the  second  century  B.  C.  it  adorned  the  horses  of  nobles,**  and  hence- 
forth its  use  became  more  and  more  common.  With  the  growth  of  this 
tendency  to  luxury  we  are  not  concerned. 

Diels*^  was  the  first  modern  scholar  to  observe  the  connection  between 
iMiW^s  and  the  color  of  bipod,  and  to  deduce  from  the  use  of  blood 
in  sacrifices  the  lustral  and  prophylactic  meanings  of  purple.  Ancient 
writers  recognized  the  similarity  in  color  and  expressed  it  in  many 
poetic  phrases.  A  few  examples  of  these  will  serve  our  purpose.  '*Pur- 
pureus  Lunae  sanguine  vultus  erat";*^  "Purpureo  suffusus  sanguine 
candor  "  f ''  Indum  sanguineo  veluti  violaverit  ostro.  "*«  PUn/^  compares 
Tyrian  purple  to  the  color  of  clotted  blood,  and  refers  to  Homer's  line:*^ 
ot/zart  bk  xBiav  I  bevtro  Trop<t>vpe<^.  Servius  often  compares  them;  thus 
in  commenting  on  the  purple  robes  placed  on  Misenus'  funeral  pyre, 
he  says:^  "purpureas  ad  imitationem  sanguinis,  in  quo  est  anima"; 
with  the  same  passage  in  mind,  he  tells  us:**  "Varro  dicit  mulieres  in 
exsequiis  et  luctu  ideo  solitas  ora  lacerare,  ut  sanguine  ostenso  inferis 

»U.  Kohler,  Annali  XXXV,  1863,  p.  434,  n.  1;  Henzen,  BuUeiino  1863,  p.  74. 

**  Dr.  Esther  B.  Van  Deman  has  very  kindly  allowed  me  to  use  notes  made 
by  her  in  the  museums  of  Rome  and  Naples.  Besides  the  Augustus,  a  statue  of 
Marcellus  in  the  Naples  Museum  and  a  Caesar  of  the  same  type,  each  with  a  red 
doak  over  his  arm,  may  be  mentioned  here. 

'  .**  ^^^  ^^  indicated  by  the  passage  of  the  Oppian  Law  (Livy  XXXIV,  1).  It  is 
significant  that  the  law  did  not  apply  to  the  dress  of  priests  or  magistrates,  or  to 
the  praeiexta  of  children. 

"  Livy  XXXIV,  7. 

"Dids,  SibyUinische  BlUtter,  p.  70,  n.  2.  However,  Dids  confuses  purpureus 
with  puniceus  and  luteus,  assigning  the  same  significance  to  all. 

»  Ov.  Am.  I,  8,  12. 

»•  Stat.  Silv.  n,  1,  41. 

^Aen.  Xn,  67. 

*^  Pliny,  N.  H.  DC,  135.  "Laus  d  simmm  in  colore  sanguinis  concreti,  nigricans 
adspectu  idemque  suspectu  refulgens.    Unde  et  Homero  purpureus  didtur  saniniis." 

*»//.XVn,360f. 

*»  Serv.  Aen.  VI,  221:  d.  V,  79.  Isidorus  (Orig.  XI,  1, 123)  is  doubtless  referring 
to  this  passage  and  to  Aen.  V,  79,  when  he  writes.  "Proprie  autem  sanguis  animae 
possessio  est;  inde  et  purpureae  vestes  et  flores  purpura  mortuis  praebentur." 

**  Serv.  Aen.  m,  67. 


PURPLE 


25 


satisfaciant,  quare  etiam  institutum  est,  ut  apud  sepulcra  et  victimae 
caedantur.  Apud  veteres  etiam  homines  interficiebantur  .  .  .  sed  quo- 
niam  sumptuosum  erat  et  crudele  victimas  vel  hommes  interficere, 
sanguinei  coloris  coepta  est  vestis  mortuis  inici";  and  again,  commenting 
on  the  lines,  "multa  morte  recepit:  purpuream  vomit  ille  animam," 
he  says:^  "Muld  hie  distinguunt,  ut  sit  sensus  talis:  eduxit  gladium 
multo  crurore  purpureum." 

It  is  true  that  puniceus  is  also  used  as  an  epithet  of  blood,  but  this 
causes  no  difl&culty  if  it  is  remembered  that  blood  differs  in  color  according 
to  its  freshness,  the  quantity  shed,  and  whether  it  comes  from  the  veins 
or  the  arteries.  Purpureus  is  the  better  adjective  for  the  blood  of  a 
victim  pouring  out  in  full  tide,  then  standing  in  the  trenches  or  gradually 
becoming  absorbed  in  the  earth. 

Servius  loses  no  opportunity  of  mentioning  that  the  blood  contains 
the  life.^    This  conception  is  a  perfectly  natural  one,  and  is  easily  ac- 
^cepted,  together  with  the  accompanying  idea  that  blood  can  give  strength, 
health  and  life.*^    It  is,  therefore,  to  be  expected  that  the  drinking  or 
application  of  blood  will  cure  disease.    Crooke*^  gives  a  number  of  such 
cures  from  India:  "In  Sirsa,  when  a  horse  falls  sick,  the  cure  is  to  kill 
a  fowl  or  a  he-goat  and  let  its  warm  blood  flow  into  the  mouth  of  the 
animal."    "Others  use  the  blood  of  the  great  lizard  in  case  of  snake 
bite.  .  .  .    Similarly,  among  the  Dravidians,  the  Kos  drink  the  blood 
of  the  sacrificial  bull:  the  Malers  cure  demoniacs  by  giving  the  blood 
of  a  sacrificed  buffalo. "    In  Rome  epileptics  were  greatly  benefited  by 
drinkmg  fresh  human  blood.    Pliny  relates  an  especially  disgusting  but 
significant  tale:**    "Sanguinem  quoque  gladiatorum  bibunt  intuentibus 
populis  comitiales  [morbi],  quod  spectare  facientis  in  eadem  harena 
feras  quoque  horror  est.    At,  Hercule,  iUi  ex  homine  ipso  sorbere  effica- 
cissimum  putant  calidum  spirantemque  et  una  ipsam  animam  ex  osculo 
vohierum."    Or  a  cure  could  be  wrought  by  eating  the  flesh  of  a  wild 
beast  that  had  been  killed  with  a  weapon  by  which  a  man  had  previously 

«  Serv.  i4«n.  DC,  346.  ^^ 

<«Serv.  Aen.  Ill,  67:  "sanguis  enim  vdut  animae  possessio  est;  VI,  221:  .  .^  . 
sanguinis,  in  quo  est  anima";  DC,  346:  ".  .  .  .  eos  qui  animam  sanguinem  dicunt"; 

cf.  V,  79. 

«^  Fowler,  Rom.  Fest.  314,  316,  n.  4;  von  Duhn,  Rot  und  Tot,  Ardi.  Rel.  DC,  1906, 
3:  "Der  Tote  veriangt  in  dieser  Zeit  instinktiv  nach  dem  Leben,  nadi  Blut" 

*•  Crooke,  The  Popular  Religion  and  Folk-Lore  of  Northern  India,  I,  70;  II,  20. 
The  use  of  the  blood  to  "scare  evil  spirits"  is  dearly  secondary  to  its  use  as  a  health- 

giving  power. 

*•  Pliny,  N,  H,  XXVIH,  4. 


26 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


PURPLE 


27 


been  slain.^^  Blood  applied  externally  was  very  good  for  quinsy,  and 
if  smeared  upon  the  face  enabled  the  victim  of  a  seizure  to  rise  again 
quickly;  this  blood  might  come  from  any  part  of  the  patient's  own 
body."  Scribonius  Largus  asserts^^  ^^^t  he  knew  a  woman  C'quandam 
honestam  matronem")  at  Rome  who  had  been  cured  of  epilepsy  by  a 
remedy  containing  as  much  blood  as  could  be  taken  from  a  recently 
captured  tortoise  and  a  dove  and  still  allow  the  creatures  to  escape  with 
their  lives.  He  adds:  "Nam  sunt  et  qui  sanguinem  ex  vena  sua  missum 
bibant. ''  In  view  of  these  instances  it  is  surely  significant  that  epilepsy 
and  quinsy  are  also  helped  by  drinking  a  concoction  of  purple  violets  and 
water.^  Applied  externally,  the  purple  violets  reheve  various  other 
ailments. 

When  a  vein  has  been  cut,  purple  wool  bound  upon  the  wound  will 
soon  heal  it.^  Here  again  is  the  connection  between  purple  and  blood. 
The  color  of  the  wool  seems  to  indicate  that  it  is  beheved  to  reinforce 
and  renew  the  diminished  life-force.  It  is  probable  that  in  the  remedies 
previously  mentioned^  the  same  thought  lingers,  though  of  course  it 
is  quite  possible  that  here  the  secondary  idea  of  driving  out  the  evil 
spirit  has  become  the  main  one. 

The  manner  in  which  similar  ideas  may  overlap  is  shown  in  the 
story  of  Nisus.  His  fateful  lock  of  hair,  on  which  depended  his  empire 
and  his  life,  is  usually  spoken  of  as  purpureus.^  Frazer  has  rightly 
connected  it  with  similar  tales  of  golden  hair."  So  Atreus'  golden- 
fleeced  lamb  is  called  purpureus  by  the  schoUast  on  Persius.^^ 

"Pliny,  N.  H.  XXVIII,  34:  "Orpheus  et  Archelaus  scribunt  .  .  .  comitialis 
morbos  sanari  cibo  e  came  ferae  occisae  eodem  ferro  quo  homo  interfectus  sit. " 

"Pliny,  N.  H.  XXVIII,  43:  "Sanguine  ipsius  hominis  ex  quacumque  parte 
emisso  efficacissime  anginam  inlini  tradunt  Orpheus  et  Archelaus,  item  ora  comitiali 
morbo  conlapsorum  exsurgere  eUam  protinus.  Quidam,  si  pollices  pedum  pungantur 
eaeque  guttae  referantur  in  faciem." 

"  Scrib.  Largus  XVI. 

"  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXI,  130.  "Purpureae  [violae]  refrigerant;  contra  inflammationes 
inlinuntur  stomacho  ardenti;  imponuntur  et  capiti  in  fronte,  oculorum  privatim  epipho- 
ris  et  sede  procidente  volvave  et  contra  suppurationes.  Crapulam  et  gravedines 
capitis  inpositis  coronis  olfactuque  discutiunt,  anginas  ex  aqua  potae.  Id  quod 
purpureum  est  ex  iis,  comitialibus  medetur,  maxume  pueris,  in  aqua  potum. " 

"Ps.  Theod.  add.  XXIII,  p.  280,  16  Rose:  "Vena  incisa  si  fuerit,  aoccum  pur- 
pureum  alligato,  et  mox  claudit.'  * 

"  See  above,  notes  48,  49,  50. 

«» Verg.  Gearg.  I,  405;  Tib.  1,  4,  63;  Ov.  Met.  VIII,  8-10, 80,  93;  Hyginus,  Fab.  198. 

"  Frazer,  G.  B.,  Balder  the  Beautiful  II,  103. 

"  Schol  on  Pers.  V,  8:  "Qui  Atreus  habere  dicebatur  agnum  purpureis  velleribus, 
de  quo  oraculo  responsum  fuerat,  tam  diu  imperaturum  donee  esset  qui  eum  immola- 
ret." 


But  the  life-blood  is  capable  of  being  employed  in  different  ways. 
Samter,  following  Diels,  explains  the  use  of  animal  sacrifices  as  sub- 
stitutes for  the  guilty  persons,  who  are  often  sprinkled  with  the  victim's 
blood  as  a  symbolic  act.  This  sprinkling,  in  turn,  is  succeeded  by  the 
wearing  of  a  purple  garment  to  represent  the  blood.^^  This  gives  blood 
and  its  equivalent,  purpureus^  a  lustral  significance  which  is  borne  out 
by  Pliny's  "[purpura]  dis  advocatuTplacandis,*'^^  and  Varro's  statement 
that  women  at  funerals  lacerated  their  faces  in  order  to  satisfy  the  dead 
by  a  show  of  blood.^^  The  life-blood  is  offered  to  appease  the  angry 
deities,®^  or,  by  a  natural  transition,  to  propitiate  the  gods  that  they 
may  do  good  and  not  harm  to  the  sacrificer.  The  tiwo  deas  are  so 
closely  connected  that  it  is  impossible  to  be  certain  which  came  first, 
but  it  seems  reasonable  to  give  the  precedence  to  the  lustral  thought. 
In  this  connection  a  statement  of  Macrobius  should  be  noticed,  TuUus 
it  may  be  based  on  an  untrustworthy  tradition.  Assigning  to  though 
Hostilius  the  introduction  into  Rome  of  the  Etruscan  insignia  of  nobiUty, 
he  says:^  "Sed  praetexta  illo  seculo  puerilis  non  usurpabat  aetas." 
That  purple  was  considered  an  effective  protection  for  children  is  shown 
by  a  story  of  Aurelian's  childhood:^  " Ex  palliolo  purpureo  .  .  .  sacer- 
dos  muUer  crepundia  filio  fecisse  perhibetur." 

Fowler  points  out  that  among  the  Romans  there  is  but  litUfiJOje 
of  the  mystic  use  of  blood  in  sacrifice,^  and  believes  that  the  color  purple 
has  a  less  primitive  meaning.    He  states  his  point  of  view  in  the  foUow- 

"  Samter,  Familienfeste,  pp.  53  ff;  Diels,  op.  cit.,  p.  5,  n.  4,  p.  70,  n.  2. 

•0  Pliny,  N.  H.  DC,  127;  cf.  Clemens  Alex.  Protr.  I,  10:  2i>  8k  el  tto^cTs  iSetv  ws 
AXtt^ws  t6v  dfdv,  KaffapaLojp  neraMfx^ape  BeoirpeirGiv,  ob  ba<f>vr\s  TreraXiav  Kal  ratvuav 
ruKav   kpU^   kou   Tropipbpq.   ireTrouctX/xevuv. 

"Interpol.  Serv.  A  en.  Ill,  67:  "Varro  dicit  mulieres  in  exsequiis  et  luctu  ideo 
solitas  ora  lacerare,  ut  sanguine  ostenso  inferis  satisfaciant." 

«  Crooke  (op.  cit.,  I,  98)  gives  an  especially  interesting  example  from  a  tribe  of 
North  India.  The  village  god  is  usually  offered  a  "thick  griddle  cake,  a  little  mUk, 
and  perhaps  a  few  jungle  flowers;  but  in  more  serious  cases  where  the  deity  makes  his 
presence  disagreeably  felt,  he  is  propitiated  with  a  goat,  pig,  or  fowl,  which  is  decapi- 
tated outside  the  shrine  with  the  national  and  sacrificial  axe.  The  head  is  brought 
inside  dripping  with  blood,  and  a  few  drops  of  blood  are  allowed  to  fall  on  the  plat- 
form. " 

•*  Macrob.  Sai.  I,  6,  7. 

"  Vopisc.  Aur.  IV,  5;  cf.  Peter,  Hist.  Rom.  Frag.,  p.  360, 11.  22  f.  Many  instances 
of  the  lustral  and  protective  powers  of  blood  and  the  color  red  are  collected  by  Samter, 
Geburt,  HochzeU,  und  Tod,  pp.  175  f.,  184  f.  See  also  JuynboU,  Arch.  Rel.  VII,  1904, 
p.  505. 

«  W.  Warde  Fowler,  The  Religious  Experience  of  the  Roman  People,  pp.  33-34. 


28 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


ing  words:  "If  the  red  color  has  anything  to  do  with  blood-shedding, 
it  is  probably  more  than  merely  symbolic;  it  may  mean  that  the  sacri- 
ficing priest  partakes  of  that  life  and  strength  which  he  passes  on  to  the 
god  through  the  blood,  that  is  the  Ufe,  of  the  victim. "«« 

Robertson  Smith  and  Pley«^  believe  that  unity  of  the  deity  with  the 
worshiper  is  thus  indicated,  but  the  instances  they  adduce  seem  to 
show  that  this  idea  is  connected  rather  with  the  use  of  the  victims' 
skins  than  with  that  of  blood  and  purpureus.^^ 

As  was  stated  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  the  correct  view 
has  not  been  agreed  upon,  and  it  may  be  that  investigation  can  never 
go  beyond  the  realm  of  theory.  The  following  suggestion,  however, 
may  be  offered:  if  indeed  the  use  of  purple  in  religious  ceremonies 
was  brought  into  Rome  from  Etruria,^^  the  original  connection  with 
bloodshed  may  by  that  time  have  been  forgotten,  and  the  prophylactic 
idea  may  have  partially,  if  not  completely,  supplanted  the  lustral  con- 
ception. Therefore  the  puipJ^  border  of  the  Vestars  suffihidum,  one 
of  the  innovations  of  that  period  of  upheaval,  would  serve  to  help  ward 
off  evil  influences  during  the  performance  of  the  sacred  rites,  and  would 
be  appropriate  even  for  the  virgin  priestesses  with  their  bloodless  sac- 

rifices.^° 

For  children,  whose  tender  youth  needed  special  protection  against 
hostile  spirits,  for  priests  of  every  kind  and  their  attendants,  for  women 
praying  to  Mutinus  for  the  great  gift  of  children,  the  purple-bordered 
garment  would  be  recognized  as  a  necessity.  The  magistrates,  often 
assisting  at  sacrifices,^^  always  representing  the  power  of  the  State, 

WW.  Warde  Fowler,  op.  ciU,  p.  177.  The  diflference  between  red  (scarlet)  and 
purple  is  noted  in  the  same  paragraph,  but  it  is  assumed  that  both  colors  may  have  a 
common  symbolism.  The  flammeum  is  called  red,  though  its  color,  luUus,  is  nearer 
orange;  cf.  Blumner,  Die  Farbenbezeichnungen  bei  den  romischen  Dichtern,  p.  126 
(Berliner  Studien  fur  dassische  Philologie  and  Archaeologie,  XIII,  3). 

•'  Pley,  op.  cit.j  pp.  8  ff. 

•»  Fowler,  Rom.  Fest.  p.  318  suggests  that  the  meaning  of  skins  at  the  Lupercalia 
was  "one  of  the  many  wdl-known  piacula  in  which  the  worshipper  wears  the  skin  of 
a  very  holy  victim,  thereby  entering  sacramentally  into  the  very  nature  of  the  god  to 
whom  the  victim  is  sacrificed";  cf.  pp.  315  fif. 

•»  For  an  accoimt  of  the  Etruscan  origin  of  the  toga  praetexta  and  the  vestis  trium- 
phdis  cf.  Mueller,  Die  Etrusker  I,  pp.  341  f.,  344  ft. 

"  Fowler  {R.  £.,  p.  177)  m  remarkmg  that  the  Vestals  wore  white  only,  takes  no 
account  of  the  passage  of  Festus  referred  to  (p.  35,  n.  2),  though  he  mentions  it  in 
Classical  Review  X,  1896,  p.  317. 

n  Here  should  be  included  the  devotio  of  Dedus  Mus.    See  W.  Warde  Fowler, 

R,  E,  p.  207  and  notes. 


PURPLE 


29 


and  thereby  especially  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  invisible  malignant 
forces,  must  needs  wear  it  constantly,  while  the  clams  of  knights  and 
senators  would  afford  the  protection  needed  by  prominent  citizens.  In 
time  of  war  the  extraordinary  dangers,  unseen  as  well  as  seen,  which 
threatened  the  army  might  well  account  for  the  purple  paludamentum 
worn  by  the  general,^^  f^j.  ^y^^  purple  vexilla  of  the  troops^^  ^nd  the  purple 
on  their  trabeae."^^ 

The  special  garb  of  the  triumphator  might  have  the  same  prophy- 
lactic intention,  shown  also  by  the  assumption  of  the  bulla,  and  by  the 
fascinum  swinging  underneath  the  triumphal  car.  Or  perhaps  the 
conception  of  a  ''religious  force"  passing  from  deity  to  worshiper  was 
preeminent,  since  the  triumphator  wore  the  robes  of  Jupiter  and  acted 
as  his  representative.^^ 

Why  purple  was  used  so  freely  in  the  dress  of  the  Flaminica  Dialis^^ 
and  what  its  exact  significance  was  in  that  case  can  be  determined 
only  by  a  special  study  of  her  duties,  privileges  and  taboos. 

The  decoration  of  sacred  trees  with  fillets  of  purple  and  white,  if 
a  Roman  custom,  seems  akin  to  the  ceremony  of  sprinkling  the  boundary- 
stone  with  the  blood  at  the  Terminalia,  "an  act,  which  all  the  world 
over  shows  that  an  object  is  holy  and  tenanted  by  a  spirit.""  That 
this  instance  of  the  mystic  use  of  blood  survived  among  the  country 
folk,  who  seem  never  to  have  adopted  the  use  of  purple,  ^^  is  a  fact  to 
be  seriously  considered  when  the  religious  meaning  of  purpureus  is 
being  sought. 

The  use  of  purple  in  deatt,seems  to  have  been  somewhat  restricted 
among  the  Romans.    It  is  true  that  mourning  women  wore  the  rici- 

nium,  ^*  and  the  man  in  charge  of  private  funeral  games  wore  a  praetexta 

"  See  p.  5,  n.  38. 

»  See  p.  22,  n.  24. 

»*Seep.  4,  n.  28;p.  16,  n.  146. 

"Wissowa,  !?./(:.,  p.  HI. 

'•Seep.  22,  n.  14. 

»'  W.  Warde  Fowler,  R.  K,  p.  82;  cf.  p.  34. 

*•  This  may  be  due  to  its  expense,  or  to  the  belief  that  the  common  people  were 
of  less  value  than  the  patrician  element,  or  to  both  causes  operating  together.  So 
the  child  of  plebeian  parents  wore  a  leathern  bulla,  while  the  child  of  noble  birth  wore 
the  magic  emblems  confined  in  a  golden  case,  giving  added  protection  (See  chapter 
IV.) 

'•  The  ricinium  seems  to  have  been  worn  from  the  time  the  death  occurred  imtil 
that  of  the  funeral  ceremonies,  when  it  was  changed  for  a  black  garment;  cf.  Varro  in 
Non.  549:  "ut  dum  supra  terram  esset,  riciniis  lugerent,  funere  ipso,  ut  pullis  palliis 
amictae";  cf.  Non.  550. 


50 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


PURPLE 


31 


V^    H\ 


fulla?^  but  the  corpse  itself  was  clad  in  the  garments  belonging  to  the 
highest  official  position  that  had  been  held  in  hfe.si  The  censor  was 
granted  a  special  honor— that  of  the  toga  purpurea— ^t  death,  though 
it  was  refused  him  during  hfe.*^  The  statement  that  Caesar's  fmeral 
t^^%  *  ^  couch  was  spread  with  purple  and  gold^^  probably  refers  to  the  toga 
picta,  which  he  had  worn  2iS&iufnphator  and  which  had  later  been  granted 
to  him  by  the  Senate  as  a  personal^garb  of  honor.**  VergU  represents 
Aeneas  as  robing  the  body  of  the  royal  youth  Pallas  in  a  robe  of  purple 
and  gold  for  the  funeral  rites,*^  and  as  covering  the  corpse  of  the  hero 
Misenus  with  purple  garments.**  To  the  spirit  of  each,  as  to  those 
of  Polydorus*^  and  Anchises,«»  blood  is  offered.*^  Artemidorus'  remark 
that  wreaths  of  puiple  violet.s  indicate  death,  ^'for  the  purple  color 
has  some  sjrmpathy  with  dealh,"»<»  represents  the  Gxeek  feeling.  That 
of  Ovid,  addressed  to  his  book,  ^'nec  te  purpureo  velent  vaccinia  fuco: 
.  .  .  non  est  conveniens  luctibus  ille  color,  "^^  represents  the  Roman 
feeling,  when  purple  garments  were  for  festal  occasions,  to  be  laid  aside 

m  times  of  grief  .^ 

Yet  the  Romans  offered  blood  to  the  MaQgs,  not  only  at  a  funeral, 
but  yearly  at  the  ParentaUa.^  Von  Duhn»*  and  Sonny^  have  shown 
that  i£e  same  custom  prevails  in  many  different  parts  of  the  world 
and  that  red  ochre  is  often  used  in  place  of  blood.  Von  Duhn  inter- 
prets this  custom  as  the  effort  to  satisfy  the  dead  by  giving  them  hfe 
to  protect  them  against  evil  influences  that  might  assail  them  in  their 
defenceless  condition.    Sonny  rightly  contends  that  this  is  not  the 

•oPaul.  236  M.,  273  L.;  Momm.  Staatsv.  I.  391,  n.  6. 

«Momm.  op.  cit.y  440  f.;  Marquardt,  PrivaUeben  l\  347. 

«2  Momm.  op.  cit.,  410,  n.  2;  411,  n.  3. 

«  Suet,  Caes.  84:  "Lectus  ebumeus  auro  ac  purpura  stratus  et  ad  caput  tropaeum 
cum  veste  in  qua  fuerat  ocdsus. " 

»*  See  p.  22,  n.  20. 

Wi4e».XI,  72ff. 

••^eit.  VI,  220.f. 

•Mew.  Ill,  67. 

w.4gw.  V,  78. 

«•  Cf.  the  custom  of  gladiatorial  combats  at  funerals. 

•"Artemid.  I,  77:  oi  8k  iK  tup  irop<pvfMv  Kal  Bavarov  arinaLvowriv'  l^x**  T^P  riya  t6 
Top<pvpovp  XP«M*  ffVUxiBeiav  rpds  rbv  Oh.va.Tov, 

"Ov.  Trisi.l,  1,5-6. 

"Livy  XXXIV,  7,  10:  "Quid  aliud  in  luctu  quam  purpuram  atque  aurum 

deponimt?" 

»» Fowler,  op.  cit.,  308. 

»*  Von  Duhn,  Rot  and  Tot,  Arch.  Rel.  IX,  1906,  1  ff. 

••  Sonny,  RoU  Farbe  im  Totenkult,  Arch.  Rel.  IX,  1906,  525  ff. 


origmal  idea.  Samter^  declares  for  the  lustral  meaning,  and  this  agrees 
in  part  with  the  Roman  custom.  Blood,  the  purple  of  the  ricinium, 
and  that  of  the  praetexta  pulla^  appease  and  propitiate  the  dead  and 
protect  the  living.  The  purple  on  the  magistrates'  garments  doubtless 
belongs  to  a  later  period  of  development,  when  the  dead  were  thought 
of  as  demanding  that  the  conditions  of  their  earthly  life  attend  them  into 

the  spirit-world. 

In  conclusion,  it  seems  probable  that  purpureus  originally  represented 
the  blood,  that  is,  the  life,  of  a  victim  offered  to  appease  an  angry  spirit, 
or  to  win  the  good- will  of  one  whose  favor  was  desired;  that  from  the 
thought  of  propitiating  an  indifferent  or  hostile  numen  developed  the 
idea  of  warding  off  evil  influences,  at  first  by  sacrifice  alone,  then  by 
wearing  the  symbolic  color;  that  by  the  time  the  use  of  purple  dyes 
reached  Rome,  the  original  meaning  was  obscured,  though  probably 
not  entirely  lost,  and  the  magical  prophylactic  idea  prevailed;  that  the 
conception  of  a  religious  force  passing  between  the  deity  and  the  wor- 
shiper, through  the  life-blood  of  the  victim  and  its  representative  color 
may  have  been  present  in  certain  rites.  This  theory  will  at  least  afford 
a  starting-point  for  further  study. 

••  Samter,  Geburtf  Hochzeit,  und  Tod,  193. 


CHAPTER  III 


Black  and  White 

The  dualism  of  light  and  darkness  in  Indo- Germanic  religions  has 
often  been  discussed,  and  their  connection  with  black  and  white  assumed 
as  natural.  Yet  Gununere  in  his  article  On  the  Symbolic  Use  of  the 
Colors  Black  and  White  in  Germanic  Tradition^  claims  that  the  assump- 
tion will  not  hold  for  that  branch  of  the  Aryan  race,  while  StengeFs 
chapter,  Die  Farhe  der  OpfertierCj^  raises  the  question  whether  the  Greeks 
considered  brightness  and  whiteness  equivalent.  When  we  find  red 
animals  sacrificed  to  Artemis  at  Syracuse  and  at  Lusus  in  Arcadia,' 
black,*  white,^  or  red^  sacrificed  to  Poseidon,  and  either  white  or  red 
to  Helios  at  Rhodes,^  though  none  but  black  were  oflFered  to  the  chthonic 
deities,*  we  must  reserve  judgment  as  to  the  symbolism  of  color  in  Greek 
worship.  It  seems  evident  that  the  "bright"  sacrifices  demanded  by 
the  oracle  of  Apollo*  were  not  necessarily  white. 

In  the  Vedas  color  symbolism  as  connected  with  dualism  is  strongly 
apparent.  Cakes  for  sacrifice  should  be  made  of  black  and  white  grains 
of  rice;  the  black  should  be  offered  to  Varuna,  as  god  of  death,  the  white 
to  Aditya,  the  sun.^°  In  the  Hymns  of  the  A  tharva-  Veda^^  a  charm  against 
disease  and  death  runs  as  follows:  "the  sun  shall  rise  here  for  thee: 
rise  thou  from  deep  death,  yea  from  black  darkness!"    And  the  same 

^Haverford  College  Studies,  No.  1,  pp.  112-162. 

•  Stengel,  Opferbrduche  der  Griechetiy  pp.  187-190. 

•  Bacchyl.  V,  102;  XI,  105. 
*Homer,  0(i.  m,  6. 

•  Dittenberger,  Syll*  II,  615,  U.  6,  9. 

•  Pindar,  Pyth.  IV,  205  (365). 

'Ziehen,  Leg.  Sacr.,  no.  149=1.  G.  Xn,  1,  892. 

•Stengel,  o/>.  «/.,  188  f. 

•Euseb.  Praep.  Ev.  IV,  9,  3.  ^ai5pd  nh  ©{rpav^is,  x^ovlon  5'  kvoKLyicM  xpotf; 
Cic.  De  Leg.  II,  45  (= Plato,  Leges  XII,  956  A)  "color  autem  albus  praedpue  decorus 
deo  est  cum  in  ceteris,  turn  maxime  in  textili;  tincta  vero  absint  nisi  a  beliicis  insigni- 
bus"  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  above.  The  idea  is  probably  a  later  development 
from  the  primitive  conception  and  is  much  the  same  as  that  expressed  by  Porph. 

De  Abst.  11,45.  [&vdpds]   lepovixkvov  rg  votpq.  Bvalq.  Kal  ixtrii  Xtwijs  koBriroi 

"wpocUnnoi  rt^  $ti^. 

"  Von  Negdein,  Der  Traumschlussel,  Relgesch.  Versuche,  XI,  92. 

"Bloomfidd,  Hymns  of  the  Atliarva-Veda,  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  XLII,  pp. 
60, 191,  211. 


BLACK  AND  WHITE 


33 


symbolism  appears  in  imprecations  against  enemies:  "all  that  hate  us 
shall  go  to  darkness  (hell)!";  "do  thou,  god  Surya  (the  sun),  when  thou 
risest,  beat  down  my  rivals  .  .  .  they  shall  go  to  the  nethermost  dark- 
ness!'* 

Among  the  Romans  the  use  of  black  and  white  was  almost  as  sharply 
contrasted  as  the  colors  themselves.  Black  victims  for  the  gods  below, 
white  for  the  gods  above,  was  the  rule,^^  which  admitted  of  but  two 
exceptions.^'  The  reason  for  the  rule  must  have  been  sought  often  by 
inquiring  minds,  and  Arnobius  doubtless  expresses  the  sentiment  cur- 
rent in  his  day:  "quae  in  coloribus  ratio  est  ut  merito  his  [diis]  albas, 
illis  atras  [hostias]  conveniat  nigerrimasque  mactari?  quia  superis  diis, 
inquit,  atque  ominum  dexteritate  pollen tibus  color  laetus  acceptus  est 
ac  felix  hilaritate  candoris,  at  vero  diis  laevis  sedesque  habitantibus 
inferas  color  furvus  est  gratior  et  tristibus  suffectus  e  fucis.  .  .  .  Nigra 
nigris  conveniunt  et  tristia  consimilibus  grata  sunt."^* 

That  the  gods  of  the  underworld  and  their  surroundings  should  be 
considered  black^^  is  easily  understood,  as  is  the  idea  that  the  realm  of 
blackness  is  one  of  terror.  Primitive  man,  like  the  child,  dreads  the 
dark,  and  fears  that  from  it  unknown  evil  may  come  upon  him.  To 
these  dark  deities,  then,  and  to  the  dead,  black  animals^^  and  black  gar- 
ments'^ were  sacred.'® 

»  Aero  on  Hor.,  Od.  Ill,  8,  6:  "Superis  aptior  erat  alba  victima;  nam  Diis  infer- 
nalibus  semper  nigra  [nigrae?]  oflferi  debent";  Juv.  XII,  3:  "niveam  reginae  ducimus 
agnam";  Schol.  [Henninius]:  "Ut  uni  ex  superis,  inferis  contra  hostia  pulla." 

"  A  red  calf  was  offered  to  Vulcan  (C.  /.  L.  VI,  826=30837),  and  red  dogs  were 
sacrificed  in  the  spring  when  the  crops  were  ripening  (Fest.  285  M.,  358  L.,  Paul. 
45  M.,  39  L.).  Wissowa  {Religion  iind  Kulius  der  Rdmer\  230,  41)  is  doubtless  right 
in  daiming  that  the  red  calf  is  a  suitable  sacrifice  to  the  fire-god.  He  thinks  (p.  197) 
the  puppies  were  offered  to  ward  off  the  sun's  too  intense  heat  from  the  tender  grain, 
but  Frazer's  interpretation  that  they  were  to  make  the  crops  ripe  and  ruddy  {The 
Golden  Bough  VII,  261;  VIII,  34)  seems  to  be  the  better.  Wissowa  has  carefully 
pointed  out  that  the  augurium  canarium  and  the  Rohigalia  were  not  identical  {op.  ciL, 
p.  196). 

"  Arnobius,  Adv.  Nat.  VII,  19-20. 

"A  few  of  the  numerous  instances  may  be  cited:  Aen.  VI,  127,  "atri  ianua 
Ditis";  Ov.  Met.  IV,  438,  "nigri  .  .  .  Diris";  Hor.  Od.  II,  13,  21,  "furvae 
regnaProserpinae";Tib.I,3,71,"niger  .  .  .  Cerberus";  Ov.  ^er.  XI,  103,  "Erinyes 
atrae";  Juv.  XIII,  51,  "vulturis  atri  )  poena";  Prop.  Ill,  12,  33,  "nigrantesquedomos 
animarum  intrasse  silentum";  Mart.  V,  34,  3,  "nigras  .  .  .  umbras." 

"  Verg.  Geor.  IV,  545  f.,  Aen.  V,  736;  VI,  153;  Lucret.  Ill,  52  f.;  Sil.  It.  I,  119  f.; 
XIII,  429  f.;  Cenotaphia  Pisana,  Ordli-Henzen,  642  (= Dessau  139);i4c/a  Fr.  Arv. 
CCXIV  Henzen,  "Summano  patri  verbeces  atros." 

"  Prop.  IV,  7,  28;  Ov.  Ibis  102;  Juv.  X,  244  f.;  Tac.  Ann.  Ill,  2:  "atrata  plebes.*' 

"Twice  I  have  found  black  connected  with  Jupiter,  the  sky-god  (Wissowa,  op. 
cU,  p.  113).    One  instance  is  m  Aen.  VIII,  352  ff. :  "Arcades  ipsum  |  credunt  se  vidisse 


34 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


Black  is  constantly  used  to  signify  bad  luck,  while  white  indicates 
good  fortune.  The  appearance  of  a  black  dog  may  break  off  a  wedding;^' 
trees  that  bear  black  berries  or  fruits  are  under  the  guardianship  *'  inferum 
deorum  avertentiumque "  and  are  unlucky ,2°  as  is  also  the  black  fig, 
whereas  the  white  fig  is  lucky  ;2<^  the  tell-tale  crow  is  punished  for  bring- 
ing bad  news  to  Apollo  by  being  turned  from  white  to  black  ;^^  fifty- 
seven^  days  during  the  year  were  atri  dies  on  which  it  was  unlawful 
for  the  comitia  to  meet,  for  the  names  of  Jupiter  or  Janus  to  be 
mentioned,^  sacrifices  offered,^  or  anything  new  undertaken.^  Horace's 
Genius  is  "albus  et  ater,"^  bringing  both  good  and  bad  fortune;  the 
day  of  death  is  atra  or  nigerf^  Martial's  hope  is,^^  ''Procul  a  libellis 
nigra  sit  meis  fama,  quos  rumor  alba  gemmeus  vehit  pinna. "  Infamia 
flits  about  on  black  wings,  while  Victory's  wings  are  white.^^  Lucky 
days  are  white,^^  and,  according  to  the  Cretan  custom,'^  are  marked 
with  white  stones,  as  the  unlucky  are  marked  with  black.  The  Trojans 
knew  their  wanderings  were  ended  when  they  saw  the  white  sow  and 
her  young.^2    ^  white  hen  fell  miraculously  into  Livia  Drusilla's  lap, 


lovem,  cum  saepe  nigrantem  |  aegida  concuteret  dextxa  nimbosque  cieret. "  For 
this,  Servius*  note  is  sufficient  explanation:  "aegida,  id  est  pellem  Amaltheae  caprae, 
a  qua  nutritus  est  .  .  .  Sane  Graeci  poetae  turbines  et  procellas  jcaTat7£^as  appellant, 
quod  haec  mota  fadat  tempestates.  Ergo  'nigrantem'  tempestatem  commoventem. " 
The  second  is  recorded  in  Macrob.  Sat.  Ill,  9, 10-11.  In  the  devotio  of  a  dty,  the  invo- 
cation was  uttered  to  "Dis  Pater  Veiovis  Manes,  sive  quo  alio  nomine  fas  est  nomi- 
nare,"  and  three  black  sheep  were  sacrificed.  Tellus  and  Jupiter  were  called  upon  as 
witnesses.  Here  Jupiter  appears  as  Juppiter  Fidius,  one  of  his  characteristic  rdles, 
which  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  fact  that  the  oath  is  directed  to  the  lower  world. 

»  Ter.  Ph.  706. 

«o  Macrob.  Sat.  m,  20,  2. 

n  Serv.  Aen.  VH,  761;  Ov.  Met.  H,  534  ff. 

"  Fowler,  Rom.  Pest.,  9. 

»  Macrob.  Sat.  I,  16,  24  f. 

>«  Macrob.  Sat.  I,  15,  22;  Cell.  IV,  9,  5. 

»  Varro,  L.  L.  VI,  29  (Goetz-SchoeU). 

»Hor.  Epist.  n,  2,  187  flF.;  cf.  Porph.  on  1.  189. 

"Prop,  n,  11,  4;  24  b,  34. 

««MartX,3,9f. 

«•  Sil.  It  XV,  97  fiF. 

w  Cat.  LXVIII,  147  f.;  Mart  XH,  34,  5  ff.;  XI,  36,  1  f.;  Ov.  £x  Ponto  IV,  4,  18; 
Pars,  II,  1-2;  Sil.  It.  XV,  53. 

"  Aero  on  Hor.  Od.  1, 36, 10:  "  Cretensibus  enim  mos  erat  dies  laetos  albb  calculis, 
nigris  contrarios  numerare. " 

«  Aen.  m,  390  ff.;  VIH,  43  ff.;  cf.  Juv.  XH,  72 1 


BLACK  AND  WHITE 


35 


\\ 


bearing  a  sprig  of  laurel  in  its  beak,^  and,  with  its  descendants,  was 
especially  cared  for  afterwards  by  direction  of  the  augurs. 

The  sacrifice  of  white  animals  is  so  frequently  mentioned  that  only 
a  few  instances  can  be  given.  On  the  Ides  a  white  lamb  was  sacrificed 
to  Jupiter;^  Aeneas  devoted  the  famous  white  sow  to  Juno;^  when  the 
Ludi  Apollinares  were  instituted,  212  B.  C,  white  goats  were  decreed 
as  an  offering  to  Apollo;^  to  both  Apollo  and  Diana  Augustus  offered 
white  cattle  ;^^  Horace  vowed  a  white  goat  to  Liber  in  gratitude  at  being 
saved  from  death  under  a  falling  tree.^^  To  Venus,^^  Pax,*^  Salus,*^ 
Mars,*2  Minerva,^  Dea  Dia,-"  and  "multis  aliis  divis"«  similar  honors 
were  paid.  If  a  white  animal  could  not  be  obtained,  chalk  might  cover 
the  obnoxious  red,*«  or  a  white  spot  on  the  forehead  would  suffice.*^ 
By  the  third  century  A.  D.  even  religious  conservatism  had  given  way, 
for  Amobius  writes:  "In  Albano  antiquitus  monte  nuUos  alios  licebat 
quam  nivei  tauros  immolare  candoris:  nonne  istum  morem  religionemque 
mutastis  atque  ut  rufulos  liceret  dari,  senatus  constitutum  sanctione 
est?"« 

"  PUny,  N.  H.  XV,  136. 

»*  Ov.  Fast.  I,  56;  cf.  Acta  Fr.  Arv.  cxiii  Henzen;  Sen.,  Med.  59  ff.;  Secular  Or.,  in 
Zosimus  H.  N.  II,  6  (Diels,  Sib.  Bl.  134);  Juv.  XII,  5ff. 

^Aen.  VIII,  82  ff.;  cf.  Sib.  Or.  II,  50  f.  (Dids,  114);  Aen.  IV,  59  ff.;  Sen.  Ag. 
363  f. 

«•  Livy  XXV,  12,  13. 

"Hor.  C.  S.  49 ff.;  cf.  Sib.  Or.  II,  44 ff.  (Dids,  114). 

»•  Hor.  Od.  Ill,  8,  6  ff. 

»•  Ov.  Met.  X,  270  ff. 

"  Ov.  Fast.  I,  719  f. 

*»  Acta  Fr.  Arv.,  CXIV  Henzen. 

<*  Livy  VII,  37,  1  ff.  The  consul  presents  P.  Dedus  Mus  with  one  hundred 
ordinary  oxen  and  one  fine  white  ox  with  gilded  horns  as  a  reward  for  conspicuous 
bravery.  Dedus  sacrifices  the  white  ox  to  Mars,  and  gives  the  others  to  his  soldiers. 
Pliny  \n.  H.  XXII,  9)  states  that  Dedus  sacrificed  the  red  oxen  also  to  Mars. 

**Acta  Fr.  Arv.,  Henzen,  CXIH. 

^Acta  Fr.  Arv.,  Henzen,  CXLVI,  CCXXVH;  v.  pp.  20-21. 

*•  Livy  XXII,  10,  7;  cf.  Sen.  Ag.  585.  Interesting  in  this  connection  is  the  sacri- 
fice of  white  animals  to  favorable  winds  and  black  to  unfavorable:  Aen.  HI,  120: 
"nigram  Hiemi  pecudem,  Zephyris  feUdbus  albam";  cf.  Aristoph.  Frogs,  847  f.  and 
Scholiast 

*•  Ludlius  CVI,  140  (L.  Mtiller):  "  Cretatumque  bovem  due  ad  Capitolia  magna"; 
cf.  Juv.  X.  65  f. 

*'  Hor.  Od.  IV,  2,  54  ff.  So  at  Iguvium  cattle  with  white  spots  on  the  forehead 
were  sacrificed  to  Vc^onis  Grabovius;  cf.  Tab.  Iguvinae  I,  a  20;  VI,  b  19,  Bttchder, 
Umbrica,  2,  18;  cf.  Isid.  Orig.  XH,  1,  52. 

*•  Amobius,  Adv.  Nat.  II,  68.  Note  that  at  Iguvium  red  or  black  animals  were 
regularly  offered  to  Cerfus  Martins  and  to  Praestita  Cerfia;  cf.  BUchder,  Umbrica, 
pp.  3,  23,  105-107. 


36 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


BLACK  AND  WHITE 


37 


Not  only  in  sacrificing  but  also  in  other  religious  acts  white  was 
employed.  White  horses  like  those  of  Jupiter  and  the  Sun^^  drew  the 
triumphator's  car  at  Rome,  as  they  drew  the  chariot  of  Ormuzd^°  in 
the  Persian  procession.  Romulus  yoked  a  white  ox  and  a  white  heifer 
to  mark  out  the  walls  of  Rome.^^ 

White  garments  were  regularly  used  in  the  worship  of  the  heavenly 
deities.^2  Qf  the  Cerealia  Ovid  tells  us,  '*alba  decent  Cererem:  vestis 
Cerealibus  albas  |sumite,"^  and  there  is  abundant  evidence  for  the  same 
custom  in  the  ritual  of  other  deities"  and  on  festal  occasions  generally." 
A  similar  use  of  white  garments  is  found  in  Greece,^  among  the  priests 
of  the  Syrian  goddesses,^^  and  the  Druids.^^  Both  priests  and  victims 
wore  white  infulae  and  vittaey^^  which,  as  Pley**^  has  fully  shown,  were 
also  used  to  adorn  statues  of  the  gods  and  god-like  men,  temples,  sacred 
groves,  and  trees — in  short,  everything  consecrated  to  the  gods  of 
heaven. 

**Livy  V,  23,  5-7:  "Maxime  conspectus  ipse  est  curru  equis  albis  iuncto  urbem 
invectus.  .  .  lovis  Solisque  equis  aequiperatum  dictatorem  in  religionem  etiam 
trahebant";  cf.  Plut.  Camillus  7;  Serv.  Aen.  IV,  543;  Prop.  IV,  1,  32;  Tib.  I,  7,  7  f.; 
Ov.  Fast.  VI,  723  f.;  A.  A.  I,  214;  Claud.  De  Bello  Goth.  126  f. 

'"Curtius  Rufus,  Hist.  Alex.  Ill,  3,  11.  The  Persians  also  sacrificed  white 
horses  to  the  Sun;  cf.  Philostratus,  Vit.  Apollon.  I,  31,  2.  According  to  Hehn, 
KtUturpflanzen  und  Hausthiere,  p.  44,  the  Slavs  sacrificed  a  white  horse  to  the  god 
of  light,  a  black  one  to  his  evil  opponent. 

"  Ov.  Fast.  IV,  826  S. 

"  Cic.  De  Leg.  II,  45.  The  one  exception  seems  to  be  the  Floralia,  but  we  are 
not  told  the  colors  employed.  Cf.  Ov.  Fast.  V,  356:  "cultu  versicolore";  cf.  Neapolis: 
"Luxuriosis  olim  proprius  hie  habitus.  Unde  forte  in  his  festis  receptum  puto,  quia 
ad  meretrices,  cdebritas  pertinebat  .  .  .  de  pallio  lenonis  comici  haec  Donatus: 
Leno  pallio  varii  coloris  utitur.  Hoc  idem  6.v6i,v6v  dicitur  a  Polluce:  iropvo^Kol 
8k  x^Tcoi't  fiawT^  Kol  &p6ivip  irtpi,fio\cd(f  ivdtSvvrcu. 

"  Ov.  Fast.  IV,  619  f.;  cf.  Met.  X,  431  fif. 

"Serv.  Aen.  X,  539:  "vestes  albas  .  .  .  quae  sunt  sacerdotibus  congruae"; 
Sil.  It.  Ill,  694  f.:  "ante  aras  stat  veste  sacerdos  |  efifulgens  nivea";  Tib.  II,  1,  16; 
Prop.  IV,  6,  71;  Ov.  Fast.  II,  654;  Am.  II,  13,  23;  Trist.  Ill,  13,  13  f.;  V.  5,  7  f.;  Pers. 
II,  39  f.;  Dessau  7212,  pp.  738  f. 

"Schol.  onPers.  I,  16;  Hor.  Sat.  II,  2,  60  f.  and  schol;  Mart.  VIII,  65,  5; 
Cass.   Dio  LXXIV,  1;  cf.  ^4.  7.  il.  XVIII,  1914,  p.  343,  1.  8  of  Sardis inscription. 

"  Aeschin.  c.  Ctes.  77;  Q.  Curtius  Rufus,  Hist.  Alex.  IV,  15,  27;  13,  15;  C.  /.  G. 
II,  2715  a,  8;  Dittenberger,  Syll.^  II,  no.  790,  11.  39  ff.;  Frankel,  Die  Inschriften  von 
Fergamon,  246,  3S;  Isid.  Orig.  XIX,  22,  9. 

"  Lucian,  De  Syria  Dea  42;  Apul.  Met.  VIII,  27. 

"Pliny,  iV.£r.  XVI,  251. 

••  They  are  usually  white  or  white  and  scarlet,  occasionally  purpureus  or  caeruleus. 

•®  Play,  De  lanae  in  antiquorum  ritibus  usu,  Relgesch.  Versuche,  XI,  502  ff. 


All  these  instances  prove  that  among  the  Romans  white  was  sacred 
to  the  heavenly  deities.«i  It  is  true  that  we  occasionally  find  white 
used  as  a  prophylactic,^^  more  often  as  a  curative,^^  but  black,  red,  green 
and  yellow  are  used  for  the  same  purposes.  Ghosts  are  clad  in  white^^ 
or  black.«5  In  the  realm  of  magic  and  medicine  there  appears  to  be  great 
confusion  of  ideas,««  whereas  in  the  religious  ritual  the  lines  are  much 
more  sharply  drawn.  Fehrle^^  thinks  the  religious  wearing  of  white 
among  the  most  different  peoples  is  prophylactic.  Wachter^^  makes 
the  same  suggestion,  but  considers  it  probable  that  white,  on  which 
every  stain  is  easily  perceptible,  was  recoognized  as  the  cleanest  color, 
hence  was  the  purest  and  best  suited  for  worship.  This  idea  is  certainly 
not  primitive,  though  it  could  easily  develop  from  the  reverence  for 
light.  Prophylaxis  may  be  the  original  idea  where  white  is  used  also 
for  the  dead,  as  among  the  Persians^^  and  Egyptians  ;7o  b^t  gince  the 
Romans  made  no  use  of  it  in  burial— whereas  they  employed  purpureus, 
which  is  clearly  prophylactic,  in  the  ritual  of  both  chthonic  and  heavenly 
deities— it  seems  quite  impossible  to  ascribe  such  a  character  to  their 
use  of  white  in  ritual.    To  them  white  represented  the  clear  light  of 

"  For  further  references  and  Christian  symbolism,  cf .  Goetz,  Weisz  und  Sckwarz 
hei  den  Romern,  Festschrift  zum  25  jahrigen  Stiftungsfest  des  hist.-phil.  Vereines  der 
Universitat  Miinchen,  1905,  pp.  63-70. 

"Pliny,  N.  H.  XXVIII,  29:  "Mucianus  ter  consul  .  .  .  viventem  muscam  in 
linteolo  albo,  his  remediis  carere  ipsos  lippitudine  praedicantes";  cf.  the  use  of  haw- 
thorn to  keep  off  spirits  (Photius  and  Hesych.  /xtapd  iinkpa;  Dioscorides,  De  Rhamno 
1, 90;  Varro  ap.  Charis.  p.  144,  22  KeQ;  Ov.  Fast.  VI,  129  ff.  and  NeapoUs'  note:  "quod 
observandum  duxi,  onmibus  spinarum  generibus  veteres  noxarum  pellendi  vim  in- 
genitam  credidisse:  nam  et  aspalato  (arbor  est  alba  cum  spinis)  eandem  tribunt 
potestatem, "]  and  as  a  torch  at  weddings  (Pliny,  N.  H.  XVI,  75;  Fest.  245  M.,  282  L., 
Paul.  87  M.,  77  L.,  in  connection  with  which  cf.  Marquardt,  PrivaUeben  der  Rdmer\ 
p.  55).  So  in  Ireland  the  rowan-tree,  also  white  flowered  {Cent.  Diet.,  "mountam 
ash  "),  is  "put  over  the  door  and  in  the  fields  on  May  Eve  to  save  man,  beast  and  crop  "; 
G.  H.  Kinahan,  Notes  on  Irish  Folk-Lore,  Folk-Lore  Record  IV,  1881,  117.  May  not 
its  protective  power  lie  partly,  at  least,  in  its  color? 

"PUny,  N.  H.  XXIX,  124;  XXX,  121;  XXXVI,  56;  XXIV,  77. 

"Livy,  XXI,  62,  5;  XXIV,   10,   10. 

••  L.  Annaeus  Florus  IV,  7, 8  (=11, 17, 8  Rossbach);  Apul.  Met.  DC,  30  (cf.  III.  8). 

••  I  believe  that  the  confusion  is  only  seeming  and  that  careful  study  will  reveal 
the  reason  for  choice  of  different  colors  in  apparently  similar  cases. 

•'Fehrle,  Die  kultische  Keuschheit  im  AUertum,  Relgesch.  Versuche  VI,  68  ff. 

••  Wachter,  Reinheitsvorschriften  im  griechischen  Kult,  Relgesch.  Versuche  IX,  161. 

••  Chantepie  de  la  Saussaye,  quoted  by  Wachter,  /.  c. 

"Ludwig  Weniger,  Feralis  ExercUus,  Arch.  Rel.  X,  1907,  251. 


iVi 


38 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


day,  hence  was  pleasing  to  the  powers  of  the  sky;^  black  was  the  color 
of  night  and  of  the  interior  of  the  earth,  therefore  it  was  fittmg  for  the 
underworld. 

w  Frazer,  G.  5.,  The  Magic  Art  I,  314,  teUs  of  the  mock  sun  used  by  the  Banks 
Islanders  to  make  sunshine;  a  stone  is  tied  with  a  red  thread,  and  white  rods  are  placed 
radiating  from  it  to  imitate  sunshine. 


CHAPTER  IV 


Gold 

To  gild  the  horns  of  sacrificed  animals  was  a  common  practice  among 
both  Greeks  and  Romans.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  was  fol- 
lowed even  in  pre-Hellenic  times,  since  bulls  were  the  chief  object  of 
sacrifice,^  and  a  silver  bull's  head  with  gilded  horns  was  found  in  one 
of  the  graves  at  Mycenae.^  Homer  describes  the  process  of  gilding;' 
Diomede  vows  to  bring  Pallas  a  heifer,  xpv<t6v  Kkpaacv  irtpixtha^,^ 
Aeschines  is  compared  to  an  animal  with  golden  horns  ready  for  the 
altar,*^  while  Plato  speaks  of  such  offerings  as  of  common  occurrence.^ 

Grimm  found  the  same  custom  in  the  North:  "Goldhornige  Kiihe 
verlangt  eine  Stelle  der  edda  Saem.  141*  und  im  mansfeldischen  Dorfe 
Fienstadt  war  ein  kohlschwarzes  Rind  mit  weisser  Blasse  und  weissen 
Fussen  imd  ein  Ziegenbock  mit  vergoldekn  Hornern  zur  Entrichtimg 
auferlegt."^  Pliny  mentions  the  Roman  custom,^  which  is  met  agam 
and  again  in  literature  and  in  the  inscriptions  of  the  Arval  Brothers. 
Ascanius  vows'  to  Jupiter,  'statuam  ante  aras  aurata  f route  iuvencum| 
candentem."  In  212  B.  C.  the  senate  decreed,  'ut  decemviri  sacrum 
Graeco  ritu  facerent  hisque  hostiis:  Apollini  bove  aurato  et  capris  dua- 
bus  albis  auratis,  Latonae  bove  femina  aurata. '^^  Ovid  represents 
Pythagoras  as  complaining,  ^victima  labe  carens  et  praestantissima 
forma  |  .  .  .  vittis  insignis  et  auro  |  sistitur  ante  aras.  '^^  Thanksgivings 
are  offered  for  the  safe  jetum  of  the  Argonauts,  '  inductaque  comibus 
aurum  |  victima  vota  litat.'^^  Martial  promises  Apollo,  'FeUx  tunc  ego 
debitorque  voti  I  casurum  tibi  rusticas  ad  aras  |  ducam  comibus  aureis 

•  Williams,  in  Mrs.  Hawes'  Gournia,  p.  52. 

*Jahrbuch  des  k.  d.  Arch.  Inst.  XXVI,  1911,  pp.  249  ff.,  pis.  VII-VIII. 

•  Od.  in,  425  ff. 

<//.X,  294;  cf.O(/.  111,382. 

•  Aeschin.  c.  Ctes.  164. 

•  Plato,  Ak.  II,  149  c. 

'  Grimm,  Deutsche  Myth.  I*,  44. 

•Pliny,  N.  H.  XXXIII,  39:  "Deorum  honoris  causa  in  sacris  nihil  aliud  excogi- 
tatum  est  quam  ut  auratis  comibus  hostiae,  maiores  diuntaxat,  immolarentur. " 

•  Aen.  DC,  627  f. 

"Livy  XXV,  12,  13;  cf.  Macrob.  Sat.  I,  17,  29. 
"  Ov.  Met.  XV,  130  ff. 
^  Ov.  Met,  Vn,  161  i 


40 


SIGNIFICANCF  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


GOLD 


41 


iuvencum/^'  Juvenal  advises  the  husband  whose  wife  is  chaste  to 
*slay  a  gilded  heifer  to  Juno.  '^*  The  Arval  Brothers  yearly  vowed  simi- 
lar sacrifices  to  the  Capitoline  Triad  and  Salus,^^  and  on  extraordinary 
occasions  to  other  deities  also,  including  Mars,  Victoria,  Fortuna  redux, 
Vesta,  Neptune,  Hercules,  Lares  militares  and  the  Genius  of  the  Em- 
peror.^^  In  224  A.  D.  they  sacrified  to  Dea  Dia,  in  expiation  of  an 
injury  done  her  sacred  grove  by  lightning,  'b(oves)  f(eminas)  a(uro) 
i(unctas)  n(umero)  11.'^^  That  the  'vacca  honoria  alba'  annually 
offered  to  her^^  had  its  horns  gilded  is  therefore  very  probable. 

"Like  mediaeval  painters,  the  ancients  held  gold  to  be  the  supreme 
color,  the  badge  of  deity.  .  .  .  Gold  and  white  go  together,"  says 
Gummere.^®  At  Sais,  during  the  rites  conmiemorating  the  death  of 
Osiris,  "an  image  of  a  cow,  made  of  gilt  wood  with  a  golden  sun  between 
its  horns,  was  carried  out  of  the  chamber  in  which  it  stood  the  rest 
of  the  year.  The  cow  no  doubt  represented  Isis  herself,  "^o  Her  white- 
clad  priests  carried  golden  objects  during  her  gestival  at  Cenchrae,^^ 
her  sacred  boat  had  white  sails  and  a  gilded  stem,^^  her  ancient  image 
was  a  golden  um.^^  Anubis,  "ille  superum  conuneator  et  inferum," 
appeared  with  his  face  half  black,  half  golden.^^  in  China  the  earthen- 
ware cow  representing  the  com  spirit  had  gilded  homs.^*  The  high 
priest  of  the  Syrian  goddess  at  Hierapolis  wore  a  golden  tiara.^^  The 
Persians  guiding  the  white  horses  of  Ormuzd  were  robed  in  white  and 
carried  golden  branches.^^  White  and  gold  marked  the  contellation 
of  the  Bears,  appearing  as  a  god  to  its  worshippers.^^    Among  the  He- 

"  Mart.  IX,  42,  8  ff. 

"  Juv.  VI,  48;  cf.  Schol. :  "comibus  inauratis,  quels  aurea  induta  vel  illita  bractea. " 

^Acta  Fr.  Arv.y  Henzen,  XLIf.;  cf.  100  flf. 

"  Acta  Fr.  An.,  Henzen,  CXL  fif.;  CXCVIII;  cf.  122  flf.  There  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  same  custom  is  observed  even  when  the  gilded  horns  are  not  expressly  men- 
tioned. 

"i4c/fl  Fr.  Arv.  CCXIII  f.;  cf.  144  for  Henzen's  explanation  of  "auro  iunctas" 
as  equivalent  to  "auratas." 

"i4c/a  Fr.  Arv.  CXLVI;  cf.  20  f.;  cf.  XLII,  13. 

"  Gummere,  On  the  Symbolic  Use  of  the  Colors  Black  and  White  in  Germanic 
Tradition^  Haverford  College  Studies,  No.  1,  p.  135. 

"  Frazer,  G.  B.,  Adonis,  Attis,  Osiris,  IP,  p.  50;  cf.  p.  91. 

«  Apul.  Met.  XI,  10. 

*2Apul.  Met.  XI,  16. 

»Apul.  Met.  XI,  11. 

"Frazer,  G.  B.,  Spirits  of  the  Com  U,  11. 

"  Ludan,  De  Syria  Dea,  42. 

»Q.  Curtius  Rufus,  Hist.  Alex.  Ill,  3,  11. 

"Dieterich,  MUkras  LUurgie,  14. 


brews,  the  ark  of  the  Covenant,^^  Solomon's  temple,^^  and  the  altar 
of  incense'^  were  overlaid  with  gold,  and  many  of  their  accessories  were 
of  gold,  while  gold  had  its  place  upon  the  high  priest's  ephod,  girdle, 
breastplate,  robe  and  mitre.^^  At  Rome  the  same  conditions  existed. 
To  Jupiter^^  belonged  the  garments  inwrought  with  gold^  which  his 
representative,  the  triumphator,  wore,  the  golden  crown  which  was 
held  over  his  head,^  and  the  gilded  chariot  in  which  he  rode.^  Juno's 
sacred  geese  were  adorned  with  gold  and  purple  when  they  went  for 
their  yearly  ride,^  and  Metellus  Pius  was  severely  blamed  for  wearing 
golden  crowns  like  a  deity .'^  So  Dolon,  the  Trojan,  declares  Rhesus' 
golden  coat  of  mail  is  "such  as  becomes  not  mortal  men  to  wear,  but 
the  gods  only."^^ 

The  poets  ascribe  golden  thrones,  sceptres  and  ornaments  to  the 
gods,  to  kings  (their  earthly  representatives),  and  to  heroes,  who  have 
much  of  the  divine  in  their  natures.^®  As  we  would  expect,  this  is 
especially  true  of  the  Sun  and  his  race.  Helios  drives  a  golden  chariot^^ 
all  day,  and  at  night  is  carried  in  a  golden  bed'^^  back  to  the  starting- 
point  of  his  labors;  the  golden  cup  in  which  Heracles  sails  across  the 
ocean  is  his;^  his  cattle  are  white  with  golden  horns  ;*^  his  descendants 

M  Exodus  XXV. 

w  2nd  Chron.  III-IV. 

"  Exodus  XXX,  3-5. 

"  Exodus  XXVIII. 

«  Livy  X,  7,  10;  Suet,  Aug.  94. 

»  The  "toga  picta"  and  "tunica  palmata";  cf.  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXXIII,  63:  "Tunica 
aurea  triumphasse  Tarquinium  Priscum  Verrius  docet";  Appian,  Rom.  Hist.  VEII,  66; 
Marquardt,  Privatleben  II',  543;  MUUer,  Die  Etrusker  I,  347. 

»*  GeU.  V.  6;  cf.  Livy  XXX,  15,  11-12. 

•»  Hor.  Epod.  DC,  21  f.;  Prop.  I,  16,  3. 

*  Serv.  i4cn.  VIII,  652:  "qua  causa  posteaeo  die  quo  hoc  factum  est  .  .  .  anseres 
auro  et  purpura  exomati  in  lectids  gestabantur. " 

"Val.  Max.  IX,  1,  5:  "cum  palmata  veste  convivia  celebrabat  demissasque 
lacunaribus  aureas  coronas  vdut  cadesti  capite  redpiebat." 

"  //.  X,  439  ff.  (Bryant's  translation). 

'•  Perhaps  the  name  Chrysostom  was  due  to  a  similar  idea.  Pliny's  story  (N.  H. 
VII,  123)  of  the  astrologer  Berosus  is  interesting:  "Berosus  cui  ob  divinas  praedictiones 
Athenienses  publice  in  gymnasio  statuam  inaurata  lingua  statuere. "  Compare  with 
this  the  stone  aureo  colore  which  was  said  to  give  prophetic  dreams  (Pliny,  N.  H. 
XXXII,  167). 

*»0v.  Met.  II,  107  f. 

«Mimnerm.  11  Bergk;  cf.  Ath.  XI,  468-470;  Stesich.  6  Bergk. 

«  Ath.  XI,  470  a. 

«  ApoU.  Rhod.  IV,  977  f. 


42 


SIGNIPICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


are  recognized  by  the  far-flashing  golden  gleam  of  their  eyes,**  or  wear 
a  golden-rayed  nimbus.*^  Phrixus  sacrificed  the  golden-fleeced  ram,  the 
gift  of  the  gods,^  to  Zeus,*^  but  presented  the  shining  pelt  to  Aeetes,** 
son  of  Hehos. 

Zeus's  sceptre,*^  his  armor  and  scourge  ^  are  of  gold;  his  steeds,** 
like  Poseidon's  horse,^^  have  golden  manes,  and  his  chariot  is  of  gold  and 
silver .^2  j^  "golden  Olympus"^  "golden-sandalled  Hera"^  and  other 
deities  sit  on  golden^  thrones.  Artemis  is  "the  Huntress  with  the 
golden  shaft"  ^  and  a  stag  with  golden  horns  is  dedicated  to  her;"  Pallas 
wears  a  golden  helmet  ;^^  both  drive  golden  chariots  ;'^'  Dionysus  wears 
a  golden  head-band.^°  Apollo's  lyre,*^  his  sword,^^  and  often  his  bow,^ 
like  Mercury's  caduceus  and  talaria,"  are  of  gold.  Delos  becomes  all 
golden  after  Apollo's  birth.^    Circe  and  Calypso  wear  robes  of  white 

**  ApoU.  Rhod.  IV,  727  ff. 

*•  Verg.  Aen.  XII,  160-164.  "Latinus  |  .  .  .  cui  tempora  circum  |  aurati  bis  sex 
radii  fulgentia  cingunt,  1  Solis  avi  specimen. " 

«  Zenob.  IV,  38  (F.  H.  G.  Muller,  II,  344);  ApoUod.  1, 9, 4;  ApoU.  Rhod.  II,  1144  f. 

*'Schol.  on  ApoU.  Rhod.,  Merkel-KeU,  p.  534;  ApoUod.  I,  9.  1. 

*•  ApoUod.  I,  9,  1.  Other  forms  of  the  legend  say  the  fleece  was  consecrated  to 
Zeus  (Scholia  in  Caes.  Germanici  Aratea,  60  B)  or  to  Ares  (Hyginus,  Fab.,  p.  39 
Schmidt.) 

*•  Bacchyl.  VHI  [IX],  100. 

»» //.  VIII,  42  ff. 

»» ApoU.  Rhod.  IV,  1365  f. 

"//.  V,  722  ff.  May  sUver,  the  white  metal,  represent  the  Ught  of  day?  cf.  "the 
silver  spokes  of  HeUos'  car*'  (Ov.  Met.  II,  108);  ApoUo  "of  the  sUver  bow"  (//.  I,  49; 
ApoU.  Rhod.  II,  678);  Pliny  {N,  H.  XXXIU,  58)  "colore,  qui  darior  in  argento  est 
magisque  diei  similis. " 

»»  Bacchyl.  X  (XI),  4.  So  ValhaUa  is  roofed  with  golden  shields,  and  the  Frisdan 
king  is  shown  a  house  glittering  with  gold  prepared  for  his  use  after  death;  cf.  Grimm, 
Deutsche  Myth.  II*,  583,  683. 

MHes.  Theog.  11  f.,  454. 

»  Bacchyl.  X,  [XI],  37  f. 

»•//.  I,  611;  Vni,  436,  442;  DC.  533;  Aen.  X,  116  f. 

w  Find.  01.  3,  51. 

"  //.  V,  743  f.;  Hes.  Scut.  Her.  199. 

••  Bacchyl.  XH  [XIH],  194  f.;  ApoU.  Rhod.  Ill,  878. 

••  Soph.  0.  T.  209. 

«  Hes.  Scut.  Her.  203. 

«  //.  XV,  256;  Pindar,  Pyth.  V,  104. 

«  Hes.  Works  and  Days  771;  ApoU.  Rhod.  IV,  1709. 

•*0d.  X,  277;  XXIV,  1-4;  Aen.  IV,  239  ff.;  Hor.  Od,  1, 10, 18  f.;  Ov.  Her.  XV,  64; 
Mart  Vn,  74,  1  f.;  cf.  Cass.  Dio  LXXII,  19. 

«  CaUinL  EU  Arj^ov,  260  ff. 


GOLD 


43 


with  golden  girdles.^*  Agamemnon's  ancestral  sceptre,  once  the  pos- 
session of  Zeus  himself^  and  worshiped  by  the  Chaeroneans  in  Pau- 
sanias'  time,««  is  called  golden.'^  Alcinous'  staff  of  justice/^  ^nd  Aeetes* 
helmet^^  are  of  the  same  shming  metal.  A  ram  with  golden  fleece  ^ 
perhaps  symbolizing  the  royal  power,^  caused  the  strife  between  Atreus 
and  his  brother.  Dido's  apparel,^*  like  that  of  other  royal  personages/^ 
is  of  purple  and  gold.  Amphion  sings  to  the  accompaniment  of  his 
golden  lyre.'«  Bellerophon  captures  Pegasus  with  a  golden  bridle" 
given  hun  by  Athena.  Cos,  daughter  of  the  Titan  Merops,  is  changed 
by  Artemis  into  a  hind  with  golden  homs.^^  Golden  hair  is  charac- 
teristic of  divinities  and  heroes.^'  A  "Golden  Race  of  men"  made  by 
the  Olympian  gods  Uved  during  the  Golden  Age,  which  is  "a  replica 
of  heaven,  a  mortal  reflexion  of  the  glory  of  the  immortals.  "^^ 


••CW.  V,  230ff.;X,543ff. 

"  //.  n,  100  ff. 

••Paus.IX,40,  llf. 

••  //.  II,  268. 

»«ApoU.  Rhod.  IV,  1178. 

"  ApoU.  Rhod.  Ill,  1228. 

"  See  Pauly-Wissowa,  Atreus,  for  a  full  account  of  the  legend  and  for  references. 

^  Whether  Seneca  {Thyestes  225  ff.)  introduced  this  idea  or  took  it  from  a  legend 
already  existing  is  uncertam;  cf.  Schol.  //.  2,  105;  Schol.  Pers.  V,  8;  "purpureis" 
here  has  the  meaning  of  "bright."  A.  B.  Cook  formerly  considered  that  Atreus* 
ram  symbolized  the  sun,  but  now  believes  it  was  rather  the  visible  embodiment  of 
Zeus;  cf.  Zeus,  A  Study  in  Ancient  Religion,  I,  409  ff. 

'«  Aen.  TV,  139  f. 

^Aen.,  VII,  251,  815  ff.;  Livy  XXVII,  4,  8-10;  Ov.  Met.  VII,  103;  Mil  33  f.; 
Her.  XII,  52;  Sen.  Ag.  877  ff.;  Thy.  344ff.;  Q.  Curt.  Rufus,  Hist.  Alex.  HI,  3,  17-18. 

'•  ApoU.  Rhod.  I,  740. 

"  Pind.  01.  Xm,  92  and  111. 

'•Eur.  Hel.  381  f.  VergU  {Georg.  IV,  371)  represents  the  Po  with  gflded horns. 
Editors  have  many  explanations  to  suggest: — the  fertility  of  the  adjoining  fields,  the 
tradition  of  partides  of  g<Ad  in  the  river,  the  custom  of  gilding  the  horns  of  victims, 
the  fact  that  aureus  was  a  suitable  epithet  for  attributes  of  the  gods.  It  seems  probable 
that  Vergil  was  influenced  by  more  than  one  of  these  ideas,  and  also  by  a  desire  for 
color  contrast  (auratus  .  .  .  Eridanus  ...  in  mare  purpureum).  Of  the  eight  rivers 
mentioned  in  the  passage,  the  Po  b  the  only  one  thus  described.  Qaudianus  {Sext. 
Cons.  Hon.  161)  fdlows  VergU  in  assigning  golden  horns  to  the  Po,  and  Martial  (X, 
7,  6)  assigns  them  to  the  Rhine.  Ausonius  {Mosella  471)  imitates  VergU  in  speaking 
of  the  MoseUe. 

»•  Sec  K.  F.  Smith's  TibuUus,  p.  189,  n.  15,  and  W.  P.  Mustard's  Sannazaro,  p. 
78,  n.  84,  for  instances. 

••  Cf.  K.  F.  Smith's  Ages  of  the  World,  Hasting's  Encj'l.  of  Religion  and  Ethics,  I, 
pp.  192-200. 


wvJk 


^..fj 


44 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


The  superficial  explanation  of  this  use  of  gold  by  divine  beings  and 
theu-  human  representatives  is  that  its  purity^^  renders  it  fitting  for  them 
or  its  costliness  makes  it  obtainable  by  them  alone.  But  in  the  reli- 
gious lore  of  India  gold  represents  success,  prosperity,  glory,  health, 
long  life— even  immortality.*^  The  Hymns  of  the  Atharva-Veda^ 
give  us  many  such  instances.**  Through  the  agency  of  the  gods  it  is 
of  service  in  obtaining  a  good  husband  or  wife*^  (pp.  94,  95);  a  gold- 
covered  amulet  aids  in  transferring  to  the  king  the 'lustre  .  .  .  inherent 
m  man,  animals,  and  brilliant  substances'*  (pp.  116-477);  the  glint  on 
the  surface  of  the  pearl  and  its  shell  suggests  gold,  and  they  become  an 
amulet  giving  long  life  and  prosperity,  protecting  against  demons  and 
*the  missiles  of  the  gods'  (pp.  62,  383  ff.);  an  herb  employed  in  healing 
wounds  is  'gold-coloured,  lovely,  sun-coloured'  (p.  21);  the  gods  bring 
the  marvellous  plant  kustha  in  a  golden  ship  with  golden  tackle  and 
oars*'  (pp.  4-6);  golden  spades  are  used  to  dig  up  a  remedy  for  the 
serpent's  poison  (p.  153);  the  golden-colored  amulet  of  varana-wood  is 
'a  universal  cure'  and  'will  protect  thee  from  all  evil!'  (pp.  82  ff.);** 
another  that  'bestows  faith,  sacrifice  and  might'  has  'a  golden  wreath' 
(p.  84),  and  'mother  earth'  is  'the  golden-breasted  resting-place  of  all 
living  creatures'  (pp.  200,  207). 

Still  more  significant  are  the  examples  collected  by  von  Negelein.** 
Gold  leaves  laid  upon  the  orifices  of  the  body  are  purifying  and  healing. 
Gold  wards  off  death.  In  the  royal  consecration  ceremony  the  priest 
throws  a  small  gold  plate  beneath  the  king's  foot  with  the  words,  'Save 
hhn  from  death!',  then  places  one  on  the  king's  head  with,  'Might  thou 
art,  victory  thou  art,  inmiortality  thou  art!'  'gold  being  immortal  life, 

«  Cf.  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXXIH,  58-59. 

«  Cf.  "New  Jerusalem, "  a  city  of  "pure  gold, "  in  which  is  the  tree  of  life.  {Reo. 
XXI-XXII). 

»  Bloomfidd,  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  XLII. 

•*The  use  of  gold  together  with  other  yellow  objects  as  a  cure  for  jaundice  is 
a  different  matter,  due  to  "sympathetic  magic";  cf  .  pp.  7,  8,  263.  The  goddess  of 
misfortune  is  euphemistically  called  "golden-locked,"  and  the  goddess  of  avarice  and 
grudge,  "gold-complexioned,  lovely  one,"  p.  173. 

«  Cf.  Aegisthus'  gifts  of  gold  at  the  shrine  of  the  gods  that  they  may  hdp  him  to 
win  Qytemnestra's  favor,  Od.  Ill,  274. 

••Cf.  Pliny,  N.  H  XXI,  66:  "Heliochrysus  florem  habet  auro  similem.  Hoc 
coronare  se  magi,  si  et  miguenta  siunantur  ex  auro,  quod  apyron  vocant,  ad  gratiam 
quoque  vitae  gloriamque  pertinere  arbitrantur. " 

■'  See  p.  415  for  Bloomfield's  suggestion  that  the  ship  may  represent  the  moon. 

"Cf.  the  panacea  with  a  golden  flower  mentioned  by  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXV,  32. 

••  von  Negdem,  Der  Trautnschlussel,  Relgesch.  Versuche  XI,  1912,  p.  158. 


GOLD 


45 


he  thus  lays  immortal  life  into  him';  thus  the  king  is  'enclosed  on  both 
sides  with  immortal  Ufe.  '^°  To  drink  melted  butter  from  a  golden  dish 
is  to  drink  long  life  from  immortality,  for  melted  butter  is  equivalent 
to  long  life,  and  gold  means  immortality.^^  Gold  crowns  adorn  a  victim 
and  after  sacrifice  gold  is  placed  on  each  side  of  it,  because  'thereby  then 
it  rests  in  immortal  life;  and  so  it  rises  from  hence  and  so  it  lives. '^^ 

How  did  such  quaUties  come  to  be  attributed  to  gold?  The  answer  is 
not  far  to  seek.  We  have  already  noticed  in  the  Hymns  of  the  Atharva- 
Veda^  that  the  plant  which  heals  wounds  is  'gold-coloured  .  .  .  sun- 
coloured  .  .  .  fiery'  (p.  21).  Savitar  (the  sun  in  his  daily  course) 
is  'golden-handed  (p.  168).  Ushas,  the  dawn,  with  whom  'Siirya  is 
probably  identical'  (p.  503)  is  'golden-coloured.'**  Gold  is  ' (endowed 
by)  the  sun  with  beautiful  colour'  and  brings  long  life,  lustre  and  strength 
to  him  who  wears  it  (cf.  p.  668);  it  is  'bom  of  fire';  it  is  '(the  gold) 
which  king  Varuna  knows,  which  god  Brihaspati  knows,  which  Indra 
knows,'  and  'a  source  of  life'  (p.  63).  It  is  one  of  the  three  sources  of 
light  (p.  116),  the  others  being  Sdrya  (the  sun),  and  Agni  (fire).  Gold 
is  the  symbol  of  the  sun  and  'all  the  gods  are  his  (the  sun's)  rays  of 
Hght.  '^ 

Crooke^  tells  us  that  among  a  tribe  of  sun-worshipers  in  Northern 
India  "a  large  painted  sun  of  gypsum  in  high  reUef  with  gilded  rays 
adorns  the  hall  of  audience  .  .  .  The  sacred  standard  bears  his  image, 
as  does  the  disc  of  black  felt  or  ostrich  feathers  with  a  plate  of  gold  in 
its  centre  to  represent  the  sun,  borne  aloft  on  a  pole."  Another  tribe, 
about  1000  A.  D.,  regarded  the  sun  "as  a  material  being  in  the  form  of  a 
man  with  golden  beard  and  golden  hair.  "®^ 

The  Peruvian  Vestals  were  the  wives  of  the  Sun,  and  all  the  furni- 
ture of  their  convent,  as  of  the  temple  of  the  Sun,  was  made  of  gold  and 
silver;   the  sacred  garden  was  all  golden,  even  to  the  very  clods.'* 

•«  Eggeling,  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  XLI,  pp.  92  f. 

•*  von  Negelein,  /.  c. 

«  Eggeling,  Sacred  Books  of  the  East,  XXVI,  p.  206. 

"  Bloomfidd,  op.  cit.,  pp.  21,  168,  503. 

••  Varuna,  god  of  the  vault  of  heaven.  Brihaspati,  lord  of  prayer  and  worship; 
sometimes  he  seems  to  represent  the  element  of  light  and  fire  generally;  cf.  Eggeling, 
Sacred  Books  of  the  East  XII,  p.  xvi,  n.  3.  Indra,  son  of  Dyaus  (the  shining  sky)  and 
Prithivi  (the  earth) ;  favorite  weapon,  the  thunderbolt. 

••  Eggeling,  op.  cit.,  XXVI,  pp.  115,  224. 

••  Crooke,  The  Popular  Religion  and  Folk-Lore  of  Northern  India,  I,  p.  8.  (The 
italics  are  mine.) 

•'  Crooke,  op.  cit.,  p.  6. 

••  Frazer,  G.  B.,  The  Magic  Art  I,  243  f. 


46 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


Only  the  gleaming  color  of  gold  fitly  represents  the  life-giving  sun. 
This  gleaming  color  cannot  be  reproduced  in  textiles,  hence  yellow  cloths 
or  garments  are  not  used  with  the  same  significance  as  gold. 

Yet  in  the  Rig-Veda  Agni  also  is  'golden-coloured,'"'  and  to  hun  is 
uttered  the  prayer:  *Thy  sweetest  aspect,  O  Agni,  shmes  near  us  for 
glory's  sake,  now  by  day,  now  by  night,  like  gold. 

Like  purified  ghrita  is  thy  stainless  body;  (it  is)  brilliant  gold:  that 
(body)  of  thine  has  shone,  O  self-dependent  one,  like  gold'  (IV,  10.  5-6). 

Frazer  has  most  carefully  shown  the  connection  of  wood,  fire,  and 
sun  in  the  Aryan  beliefs,  and  inclines  towards  Mannhardt's  theory,  that 
fire-festivals,  especially  at  the  smnmer  solstice,  "are  intended  to  rein- 
force the  waning  or  waxing  fires  of  the  sxm.  "^^  He  has  collected  many 
instances  of  beUef  in  the  impregnating  influence  of  the  sun,  among  them 
the  story  of  Danae  and  the  golden  shower,  and  has  recalled  Greek  tales, 
old  and  new,  of  life  or  strength  depending  on  golden  hair.*<^^ 

This  connection  of  fire,  sim,  life,  and  gold  is  still  further  shown  by 
other  passages  in  the  Vedas.  One  tradition  declares  that  at  first  Agni 
was  the  only  inmiortal;  then  the  gods  established  fire  in  their  innermost 
souls,  thus  becoming  inmiortal  and  unconquerable.^"* 

A  similar  element  is  foimd  in  the  Norse  legend  that  only  the  golden 
apples  guarded  by  Iduna  kept  the  gods  young  and  strong.  Another 
version  appears  in  the  tree  of  life  with  golden  apples  of  eternal  youth 
presented  to  Zeus  and  Hera  as  a  wedding  gift  by  the  earth-goddess.*" 
Upon  the  porridge  cooked  as  a  gift  for  the  Brahmans  the  sacrificer 
places  gold  while  the  priest  says:  *The  fires  all  know  one  another,  that 
which  lives  in  plants  and  fives  in  the  waters  and  all  the  (light-)  gods  that 
glow  upon  the  heaven.  The  gold  (here)  becomes  the  light  of  him  that 
cooks  (the  porridge).'*^  Bloomfield  comments:  *  Ordinary  fire  in  wood, 
lightning  in  the  (cloud-)  waters,  and  the  fire  of  the  heavenly  luminaries 
are  reflected  in  the  gold,  presented  by  him  that  cooks  the  porridge: 
in  giving  the  gold  he  becomes  limiinous,  illustrious*  (p.  654).  A  sacri- 
ficer gives  gold  to  the  priest  who  represents  Agni;  'thereby  indeed  he 
preserves  his  own  life,  for  gold  is  life.  That  he  (Pragftpati  or  Varuna) 

MQldenberg,  Vedic  Hymns,  Sacred  Books  of  the  East  XLVI,  part  U,  p.  325. 

>o«  Frazer,  G.  B.,  Balder  the  Beautiful  II,  72;  The  Magic  Art  I,  311-313. 

^n  Frazer,  G.  B.,  Balder  the  Beautiful  I,  73-75;  n,  103  £. 

w  Eggeling,  op.  cU,  XH,  p.  310. 

»»Pherecydes,  F.  H,  G.  I,  78,  33;  Serv.  Am.  IV,  4S4;  sec  Pauly-Wissowa  Vm, 
1244  for  further  references.  Perhaps  the  trees  with  golden  apples  in  later  folk-tales — 
e.  g.,  Grimm's  Kindermaerchen  nos.  29,  57 — are  derived  from  a  kindred  source. 

iM  Bloomfield,  op.  cU,  191  f. 


GOLD 


47 


gave  to  Agni,  performing  the  office  of  the  Agnidh  (fire-kindler) :  where- 
fore now  also  gold  is  given  to  the  Agnidh';  the  priest  accepts  it  with  the 
words,  'be  thou  life  to  the  giver. '^* 

It  is  significant  that  the  Romans  ascribed  both  healing  and  harmful 
powers  to  gold.^**  Pliny  has  preserved  for  us  several  beliefs  and  prac- 
tices which  indicate  that  the  use  of  gold  in  medicine  and  charms  was 
widespread  even  m  his  day:  *Aurum  pluribus  modis  pollet  in  remediis 
vohieratisque  et  infantibus  adplicatur,"^  ut  minus  noceant  quae  inferan- 
t\ir  veneficia.  Est  et  ipsi  superlato  vis  malefica,  gallinarum  quoque  et 
pecuariorum  feturis. 'i'^*  He  mentions  it  as  a  remedy  for  ulcers,  and 
names  Varro  as  authority  for  the  statement  that  it  will  cure  warts.  ^^9 
He  gives  several  other  examples  of  its  healing  power,  and  describes  its 
baleful  effect  on  fowls:  *Non  praeteribo  miraculum  quamquam  ad  medi- 
cinam  non  pertinens:  si  auro  liquescenti  gallinarum  membra  misceantur, 
consumunt  id  in  se.  Ita  hoc  venenum  auri  est.  At  gallinacei  ipsi 
circulo  e  ramentis  addito  in  coUum  non  canunt. '"°  Marcellus,  who  states 
that  he  had  not  only  studied  the  works  of  famous  physicians,  but  had 
also  learned  from  lowly  people  of  country  and  town  'remedia  fortuita 
atque  simplicia,  quae  experimentis  probaverant, '"^  often  advises  the 
use  of  gold  to  help  in  curing  various  diseases  or  in  preventing  them. 
Charms  of  different  sorts  are  very  effective  if  enclosed  in  a  gold  bulla 
or  lupine  or  scratched  upon  a  gold  plate  and  worn  aroimd  the  neck  or 
on  the  part  of  the  body  affected.^^  Even  a  gold  ring  may  be  used 
under  certain  conditions.^"  One  prescription  is  especially  insistent  on 
the  use  of  gold:  'Ad  coli  dolorem  scribere  debes  in  lamina  aurea  de 
grafio  aureo  .  .  .  et  laminam  ipsam  mittere  intra  tubulum  aureum 
.  .  .  et  ligare  in  pede  dextro.  '"*  In  early  times  iron  rings,  not  golden, 
were  worn  by  the  nobles,  but  there  was  one  very  interesting  exception. 
Envoys  about  to  set  out  for  foreign  countries  were  given  gold  rings  by 
the  State.    These  they  wore  only  in  public,  changing  Uiem  for  the 

»«  Eggeling,  op.  cit.  XXVI,  pp.  347  f. 

>"Cf.  Rudra's  "Yellow,  gcdden  bow  that  slays  hundreds,"  Bloomfidd,  op.  cU., 
p.  156. 

>•»  Cf.  the  golden  bulla. 

>••  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXXIH,  84;  cf.  XXX,  138. 

>••  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXXm,  85. 

"•  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXDC,  80. 

»"  Marcellus, />i/rai.  2. 

"« MarceUus  VHI,  45,  50,  59;  XX,  98;  XXVI,  43;  XXIX,  13,  51. 

^"  Marcellus  XXDC,  23.    So  to-day  a  gdd  ring  b  applied  to  cure  a  stye. 

»>*MarcdlusXXIX,26. 


48 


SIGNIFICANCE  OF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


usual  iron  ones  at  home.  To  no  one  else  and  for  no  other  purpose  were 
the  rings  given.^^  Is  it  not  probable  that,  since  in  eariy  times  it  was  a 
dangerous  matter  to  travel  into  strange  lands  and  the  lives  of  ambassa- 
dors were  not  always  safe,  the  gold  was  considered  a  protection,  a  giver 
and  preserver  of  life?  Or  it  may  have  been  thought  to  ensure  success 
in  the  mission,  a  secondary  idea  which  we  have  seen  also  in  Hindu 

folk-lore. 

Nero  at  one  time  wore  a  golden  bracelet  enclosing  a  serpent's  skin  as 
an  amulet,  and  in  his  hour  of  need  sought  vainly  for  it."*  Marcellus' 
prescriptions  forbid  us  to  think  that  the  charm  lay  only  in  the  skin. 
Moreover,  Crooke"^  has  found  similar  instances  among  the  tribes  of 
Northern  India:  "Gold,  and  in  a  less  degree  silver,  have  a  similar  pro- 
tective influence.  The  idea  is  apparently  based  on  their  scarcity  and 
value,  and  on  their  colour,  yellow  and  white  being  obnoxious  to  evil 
spirits.  Hence  a  Httle  bit  of  gold  is  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  dying 
Hindu,  and  both  gold  and  silver,  combined  with  tigers'  claws  and  similar 
protectives,  are  largely  used  as  amulets.  These  metals  are  particularly 
effective  in  the  form  of  ornaments,  many  of  which  are  images  of  the  gods, 
or  have  some  mystic  significance,  or  are  formed  in  imitation  of  some 
sacred  leaf,  flower,  or  animal.  This  is  one  main  cause  of  the  recklessness 
with  which  rich  natives  load  their  children  with  masses  of  costly  jewelry, 
though  they  are  well  aware  that  the  practice  often  leads  to  robbery  and 
murder."  "The  letter  from  a  Raja  is  spotted  with  gold-leaf  as  a  pre- 
servative, partly  to  divert  the  glance  of  fascination  and  partly  because 
gold  is  a  scarer  of  demons."  "^ 

Since  gold,  like  the  sun,  was  a  source  of  light  and  life,  gold  crowns 
were  a  natural  gift  to  Jupiter  Optimus  Maximus.  Aust  has  collected 
many  examples,"*  the  earUest  recorded^°  being  in  495  B.  C,  and  com- 

"*  Pliny,  N.  H.  XXIII,  11:  "Longo  certe  tempore  ne  senatum  quidem  Romanum 
habuisse  aureos  manifestum  est,  siquidem  iis  tantum  qui  legati  ad  exteras  gentes 
ituri  essent  anuli  publice  dabantur,  credo,  quoniam  ita  exterorum  honoratissimi 
intellegebantur.  Neque  aliis  uti  mos  fuit  quam  qui  ex  ea  causa  publice  accepissent 
...  hi  quoque  ob  legationem  acceperant  aureos  in  publico  tantum  utebantur  iis, 
intra  domos  vero  ferreis. " 

"•  Suet.  iVcro  6.  .  .  .  "serpentisexuviis:  quas  tamen  aureae  armillae  ex  volimtate 
matris  indusas  dextro  bracchio  gestavit  aliquamdiu,  ac  taedio  tandem  matemae 
memoriae  abiedt,  rursusque  extremis  suis  rebus  frustra  requisiit" 

"^  Crooke,  op.  cit.  II,  p.  15. 

"•  Crooke,  Inirod.  to  Popular  Religion  and  Folk-Lore  of  Northern  India,  p.  191. 

"» Roscher,  Lex.  11*,  728;  cf.  the  golden  wreath,  plate  and  mirrors  offered  at  the 
sacrifice  to  PragapAti,  Eggding,  op.  cit.  XLI,  p.  119. 

"«LivyII,22,6. 


GOLD 


49 


ments:  "Den  goldenen  Kranz  werden  wir  uns  wohl  bei  alien  Widmungen 
siegreicher  HeerfUhrer  hinzu  zu  denken  haben  wenn  er  auch  als  selbst- 
verstandliche  Gabe  nicht  ausdriicklich  erwahnt  wird.  Auch  fur  aus- 
wartige  Fursten  und  Volkerschaften  war  die  Darbringung  einer  corona 
aurea  die  gewohnlichste  Art  der  Huldigung."  The  golden  possessions 
of  the  great  god  used  by  the  triumphator  have  been  mentioned.  It 
is  important  to  note  that  in  early  times  the  tunica  picta  was  worn  only 
by  Jupiter's  representative  and  by  the  Salii,^2i  ^.j^g  dancing  priests  of 
Mars,  at  the  spring  festival  which  closely  resembles  that  of  Apollo,i22 
who,  in  turn,  was  often  identified  with  the  Sun. 

To  sum  up:— In  gold  is  reflected  the  light  of  fire  and  of  the  heavenly 
luminaries;  gold  is  healing,  life-giving.  The  healthful  rays  of  the  sun^^a 
and  the  comfortmg  warmth  of  fire  must  have  made  an  impression  on 
primitive  man  long  before  the  discovery  of  gold;  when  found,  the  gleam- 
ing substance  might  easily  seem  to  embody  the  virtues  of  the  sun  and  of 
fire.  Yet  both  are  sometimes  harmful;^  so  gold  may  work  evil.  Gold 
consecrated  to  the  gods  of  light  transfers  fife  and  prosperity  to  the  giver, 
therefore  gold  on  the  horns  of  sacrificial  animals  or  otherwise  presented 
to  the  powers  above  brings  to  the  sacrificer  life  and  success  from  those 
powers. 

There  are  a  few  instances  in  which  gold  is  brought  into  relation  with 
the  underworld.  Homer  represents  the  seer  Tiresias  and  the  upright 
judge  Minos  each  with  his  gold  wand  performing  his  characteristic 
duties  in  Hades,  while  the  phantom  of  Heracles  seems  to  wear  his  gol- 
den belt.^  It  is  true  that  the  thought  of  men  continuing  their  usual 
occupations  after  death  is  comparatively  late,^»  yet  this  introduction 
of  gold  into  the  realm  of  shadows  is  not  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of 
life.  Tiresias  has  been  allowed  by  Persephone  to  keep  intact  his  powers 
of  thought  and  prophecy  ;^^  Minos,  the  son  of  Zeus,  is  still  preeminent 
for  wisdom  and  justice;  Heracles  is  in  reality  among  the  immortal  gods, 
so  not  without  reason  does  his  phantom  wear  the  emblem  of  life. 

One  point  remains  to  be  mentioned.  In  the  sixth  book  of  the  Aeneid 
a  golden  branch  sacred  to  Persephone  is  Aeneas'  open  sesame  to  the 
underworld.    The  commentators  are  uncertain  whether  this  idea  is 

»"  Livy  I,  20,  4. 

"  Roscher,  Lex.  l\  425;  II«,  2404. 

"•  Cf.  "the  Sim  of  righteousness,  with  healing  in  his  wings,"  Malachi  IV,  2. 

"•  Cf.  Apdlo,  the  god  of  medicine,  whose  arrows  may  bring  pestilence. 

»  Od.  XI,  90  f.,  570  f.,  600-610. 

>»  PreUer-Robert,  Griech.  Myth.  I,  820;  Helbig  in  Roscher,  Ux.  n-2,  2996. 

»» Od.  X,  492  ff. 


50 


SIGNIFICANCE  GF  COLOR  IN  ROMAN  RITUAL 


Vergil's  own,  or,  as  Heyne  suggests,  derived  from  some  other  legend, 
either  of  Heracles  or  Theseus.  Although  Hermes  with  his  golden  rod 
accompanied  Heracles  when  he  went  for  Cerberus  and  again  when  he 
brought  back  Alcestis,"*  there  seems  to  be  no  emphasis  laid  upon  the 
caduceus.  Neither  does  gold  seem  to  have  been  necessary  for  Ulysses, 
Orpheus,  Peirithous,  or  Psyche.  Yet  it  is  quite  possible  that  such  a  legend 
did  exist,  that  the  hfe-giving  metal  could  make  the  shadowy  spirits  of  the 
realm  of  death  give  way  before  it,  and  could  take  mortals  safely  through 
that  dread  world.  The  disquieting  element  of  Vergil's  tale  is  the  final 
dedication  of  the  branch  at  Persephone's  door  (1.  636),  but  in  the  absence 
of  any  parallel  it  is  not  unsafe  to  give  Vergil  credit  for  an  original  idea. 
The  golden  bough  at  Nemi  with  its  gloomy  associations  was  surely  sug- 
gestive enough  to  a  poet's  imagmation.  Or  the  golden  branch  may  have 
been  left  in  lieu  of  a  life,  since  Aeneas  himself  returned  unharmed  to  the 
upper  world.  At  all  events,  the  story  has  had  its  effect  on  succeeding 
literature.  As  Conington  points  out,  Ovid,  Met.  XIV,  113  f.,  follows 
Vergil,  while  Heyne  reminds  us  that  to  the  same  source  are  due  Claudia- 
nus'  tale  of  the  tree  with  golden  apples  which  Pluto  promises  his  unwilling 
bride,"*  and  Spenser's  description  of  the  "Gardin  of  Proserpina. ""<^ 

^  Cf.  Pauly-)^ssowa  Vm,  790  and  references. 

»»  Qaud  De  Raptu  Proserp.  II,  290-294.    It  seems  probable  that  the  tree  with 
golden  apples  given  Hera  as  a  wedding  gift  also  influenced  this  passage. 
M«  Spenser,  The  Faerie  Queen,  Bk.  II,  Canto  VII,  53  ff. 


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Archiv  filr  Rdigionswissenschaft. 

Qassical  Review. 

Folk-Lore. 

Folk-Lore  Record. 

Religionsgeschichtliche  Versuche  und  Vorarbeiten. 

Rheinische  Museum. 


VITA 

Mary  Emma  Armstrong  was  born  in  Lapeer,  Michigan,  in  1872. 
She  received  the  degree  of  A.  B.  from  Olivet  College,  Olivet,  Michigan, 
in  1894.  She  began  graduate  work  at  the  University  of  Michigan  in 
1897,  and  received  the  degree  of  A.  M.  from  that  institution  in  1898. 
After  spending  three  years  in  teaching  in  secondary  schools,  she  con- 
tinued her  studies  in  the  University  of  Chicago.  She  spent  the  year 
1902-1903  in  Rome  as  a  member  of  the  American  School  of  Classical 
Studies,  travelling  in  Sicily  during  the  spring.  From  1903  to  1912  she 
taught  Latin  in  the  High  School  at  Evansville,  Indiana.  She  pursued 
graduate  work  in  the  Johns  Hopkins  University  from  1912  to  1915  with 
Classical  Archaeology  as  her  principal  subject  and  Latin  and  Ancient 
History  as  her  subordinate  subjects.  She  held  a  University  fel- 
lowship in  Classical  Archaeology  during  the  year  1914-1915. 

She  wishes  to  express  her  sincere  thanks  to  Professors  David  M. 
Robinson,  Kirby  Flower  Smith  and  Wilfred  P.  Mustard,  to  Dr.  Ralph 
Van  Deman  Magoflin  and  Professor  Maurice  Bloomfield  for  the  help 
and  inspiration  received  from  them  during  her  three  years  of  study  at  the 
University.  She  is  under  especial  obligation  to  Professor  Robinson  for 
his  generous  criticism  of  both  the  manuscript  and  the  proof  of  this 
dissertation,  and  to  Professor  Smith,  who  suggested  its  subject,  and 
Professor  Mustard  for  the  advice  and  criticisms  which  they  have  freely 
given. 


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